Bauer 2007

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Journal of Anthropological Research,vol. 63, 2007

Copyright by The University of New Mexico

33

THE REINVENTION OF TRADITION

An Ethnographic Study of SpondylusUse in Coastal Ecuador

Daniel Eric Bauer

Department of Anthropology, Southern Illinois UniversityCarbondale,

Carbondale, IL 62901. Email: [email protected]

KEYWORDS: Craft production; Culture change; Ecuador; History; Identity; Spondylus

Archaeologists have long noted the importance of Spondylusin the archaeological

record of Ecuador. However, no one has attempted to understand contemporary

Spondylususe and its relation to the precolumbian past. This research attempts to

understand contemporary Spondylususe in coastal Ecuador by focusing on issues

of craft production and identity formation. Using an approach that combines both

archaeological and ethnographic information, this paper attempts to understand

the role of Spondyluscraft production in the formation of a localized identity.

NUMEROUSSCHOLARSHAVENOTEDTHEUSEOFTHEWARM-WATERMOLLUSKSpondylus

for ceremonial and ritual purposes in precolumbian contexts (e.g., Blower 1995;

Currie 1995; Marcos 1986; Masucci 1995; Norton 1986; Paulsen 1974; Sandweiss

1999; Shimada 1999). The presence of worked Spondylus shell at archaeological

sites throughout coastal Ecuador has been of central importance to archaeologists

and ethnohistorians studying the complex history of trade networks that were

present in precolumbian times. In coastal Ecuador, archaeological investigations

into the precolumbian use of Spondylus indicate that worked Spondylus was

an important trade item for precolumbian populations (e.g., Harris et al. 2004;

Marcos 1986; Marcos and Norton 1981; Masucci 1995; Norton 1986). Research

conducted since the 1970s suggests that coastal sites throughout southern Manab

province contained workshops for the production of worked Spondylus (Harris et

al. 2004; Norton et al. 1983; Paulsen 1974).Despite a dynamic focus on the archaeological significance of Spondylus

use, there is a noticeable absence of ethnographic research pertaining to the

contemporary use of Spondylus in coastal Ecuador. Recent research into the

contemporary use of Spondylus by coastal Ecuadorian inhabitants provides

important insights into the relationship between the archaeological past and the

ethnographic present. Based on research conducted at the village of Salango in

Ecuadors south-central Manab province, this article examines the Spondylus

folk art industry in coastal Ecuador. By analyzing current processes of Spondylus

use and manufacture, I argue that the artistic production of Spondylus acts asa mechanism for anchoring contemporary identities to the precolumbian past

despite significant changes in modes of production.

This research illustrates the complexity of craft production in coastal Ecuador.

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34 JOURNAL OF ANTHROPOLOGICAL RESEARCH

One of the unique features of artisanal Spondylusprocurement and craft production

is that it has resulted in a cultural renewal for the artisans and divers of Salango.

These specialists have renewed a cultural tradition that was prevalent throughout

the prehistory of coastal Ecuador. In doing so, they have taken a recognizablesymbol of Ecuadors prehistoric past and made it an indelible symbol of coastal

Ecuadors cultural present.

SPONDYLUS

The genus Spondylus is a warm-water mollusk that is a member of the family

Spondylidae. Members of the family exist in such diverse ocean waters as those

bordering Central and South America, Indonesia, Australia, Hawaii, and Japan,

as well as throughout the Mediterranean. Two species of Spondylus, S. princepsand S. calcifer, have a combined natural range extending from the Pacific Coast

of southern California to southern Ecuador. The two species vary in form but

are found in similar habitats. They occur in areas with rocky outcrops, often in

conjunction with tropical reef settings exhibiting a large amount of biodiversity.

Spondyluscan be found at depths of 6 to 60 m (Keen 1971; Norton 1986; Olsson

1961). However, along the Ecuadorian coast specimens occasionally occur in

waters as shallow as 4 m.

Spondylus princeps is characterized by a number of large, spine-like

protuberances on the outer shell. For this reason it also known locally by thecommon Spanish name ostra espinosa (spiny oyster). Spondylus princeps varies

in size and can reach up to 130150 mm across (Keen 1971), although larger

specimens do occasionally appear. The outer shell varies from pink to red to

orange. The inside of the shell also contains a thin rim of coloration around the lip

(Figure 1).

Figure 1. Spondylus princeps

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35SPONDYLUSUSE IN ECUADOR

Spondylus calcifer can exceed 250 mm across (Keen 1971). It lacks the spiny

projections characteristic of S. princeps. Instead, S. calcifer tends to have a high,

crowned top valve that is relatively smooth. The outer shell is generally lacking

the distinct coloration associated with S. princeps. The inside of the shell containsa thin rim of coloration around the lip. This rim is most commonly purple with an

occasional irregular distribution of orange (Figure 2).

ETHNOGRAPHIC CONTEXT

Methodology

This article is based on ethnographic research conducted in the village

of Salango (pop. 1,400). Salango is located in southernmost Manab province

(Figure 3). The village of Salango is especially well known within Ecuador for

its prehistory, as well as its contemporary tradition of producing skilled divers

who work the waters off the Pacific Coast. Spondylus procurement in Salango

dates back to the Valdivia phase (3500 BC) and is still an important economic and

cultural activity.

Initialfieldwork for this project was conducted between June and August 2002.

My initial fieldwork focused largely on documenting natural resource utilization

in the community of Salango. During this time, my research focused specifically

on understanding the local fishing and diving economy. The information gathered

at the time of initial fieldwork provided a basis for the present study.

Fieldwork for this project was conducted from June through September 2005

and fron January through March 2006. Research was aimed at understanding the

contemporary use and cultural significance of Spondylus. Using information from

my preliminary research, I developed a set of primary questions that I wanted to

Figure 2. Spondylus calcifer.

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ask during informal, open-ended interviews with local divers and artisans. Thereare currently approximately 40 divers within the community, most of whom

belong to the recently organized Organizacin de Busos en la Pesca Artesanal del

Puerto Salango. Some of the divers also double as Spondylus artisans. Extensive

interviews were conducted with the artisans and Spondylus divers of Salango.

Interviews with both divers and artisans focused on understanding processes

of Spondylus procurement and craft production. Questions pertaining to the

contemporary use of Spondylusby the inhabitants of southern Manab were aimed

at gaining insight into the perceived cultural value of Spondylus. Both divers and

artisans were asked to share their knowledge of the precolumbian past and theirunderstanding of the precolonial use of Spondylus.1

Community and Identity

The roots of the village of Salango extend back approximately 5,000 years.

At the time of the Spanish arrival on the Ecuadorian coast in 1525, Francisco

Pizzaros pilot, Bartolomeo Ruiz, made contact with an indigenous vessel of balsa

Figure 3. Map of southwest Coastal Ecuador.

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37SPONDYLUSUSE IN ECUADOR

carrying trade goods of silver, gold, textiles, and seashells, including Spondylus

(Currie 1995). According to Pizzaros written account, the vessel and its crew

were from a place known as Calangane (Currie 1995), a region believed to have

included the towns of Calangome (also spelled Salangome), Tusco, Seracapez,and Calango (alternate spellings: Zalango and Salango). Of the four communities

that were once part of the region of Calangane, Salango is the only community to

have retained its precontact name.

During the 1980s the village of Salango was the site of Ecuadors largest

archaeological investigation. The excavation, which took place at the southern

edge of the village, revealed important insights into the complex prehistory of

the region (Norton 1986; Norton et al. 1983). In 1987 the Museo Salango was

established. The museum currently houses the majority of the artifacts associated

with the first excavations conducted in Salango, as well as artifacts recoveredfrom subsequent archaeological investigations undertaken throughout the

region. Museo Salango houses some of the earliest Spondylus artifacts from the

Ecuadorian coast and is an important center of investigations for both foreign and

national scholars. Spondylus is such an important symbol of the precolumbian

past of Salango that, for example, in the year 2000 the Ecuadorian government

issued a commemorative postage stamp containing the image of an S. princeps

shell accompanied by the words Salango Manab.

Despite the substantial evidence that indicates a continuous occupation of the

Salango region for more than 5,000 years, the contemporary population is largelyconsidered mestizo. The mestizo designation refers to mixed-blood individuals

of Spanish and indigenous descent (Whitten 2003). The people of Salango do

not speak an indigenous language, and they have lost most of their ties to the

indigenous past. For these reasons they are largely considered to be mestizo rather

than Indian. The dramatic changes that took place with the arrival of the Spaniards

and the subsequent formation of encomiendas and haciendas irrevocably altered

the population of coastal Ecuador. Although the population of Salango has only

recently gained formal recognition as an indigenous community, the precolumbian

past clearly impacts local understandings of community identity.2

All definitions of identity,whether ethnic, community, or national, include

a reference to common culture as one of the fundamental characteristics of

collective identity (Bonfil Batalla 1989). In most cases, a common history or

common cultural origin is also an important defining attribute of populations with

a collective identity. Throughout this paper, I refer frequently to the population of

Salango as having a unique community identity that is rooted in the history of the

community and its inhabitants. Within the context of this paper, community identity

refers to a collective understanding of the past and ones relationship to it.

My research indicates that local conceptions of community identity inSalango are largely informed by knowledge of the indigenous past. One such

example of this is the celebration of the unique community identity of Salango

on the Da de la Raza (October 12: Figure 4). In Salango, the Da de la Raza

is celebrated by acknowledging the indigenous past and its relationship to the

ethnographic present through the construction of balsa rafts that replicate the raft

Bartolomeo Ruiz encountered off the Ecuadorian coast. The festival not only

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signifies the importance of the indigenous past to the contemporary population of

Salango, it also serves as a public expression of a unique community identity that

is categorically linked to the prehistory of Salango.

SPONDYLUSIN THE ARCHAEOLOGICAL CONTEXT

OF COASTAL ECUADOR

Archaeological investigations throughout coastal Ecuador indicate that Spondylus

was of significant ritual and ceremonial importance to the precolumbian inhabitants

of the region (e.g., Blower 1995; Currie 1995; Harris et al. 2004; Marcos 1986;

Marcos and Norton 1981; Masucci 1995; Norton 1986; Paulsen 1974). In

this section I provide a brief discussion pertaining to the precolumbian use of

Spondylus in Ecuador. The goal is not to present an in-depth analysis but instead

to provide a basic foundation that can be used to understand the contemporary use

of Spondylus in south-central coastal Ecuador.

Archaeological evidence from coastal Ecuador indicates that workedSpondyluswas used continuously by the precolumbian inhabitants of the region

from the Valdivia phase of occupation (35001500 BC) until the Manteo phase

(AD8001532) (see Marcos 1986; Marcos and Norton 1981; Norton 1986; Norton

et al. 1983). During the Valdivia phase, worked Spondylusprimarily took the form

of beads and worked pendants (Figure 5).

Figure 4. Balsa raft constructed for Da de la Raza 2006 in Salango.

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In succeeding cultural stages, the Guangala phase (100 BC AD 800) and

the later Manteo phase (AD 8001500), archaeological evidence points to an

increased complexity in the types of goods being manufactured using Spondylus

(Masucci 1995; Norton 1986; Norton et al. 1983). During the Engoroy and

Guangala phases and later, into the Manteo phase, figurines made of Spondylus

comprise an important component of archaeological collections (Figure 6).

The importance of Spondylus in precolumbian Ecuador extends beyond the

mere manufacture of Spondylus adornments. In concordance with Norton (1986)

and based on excavations conducted in the southern Manab village of Ro Chico,

Martnez maintains that the Spondylusfragments with color rims carved out and

the obsidian and chert flakes suggest the possible use of a large trade and workshopcenter connected to a coastal shell trade network (1997:45). Correspondingly,

numerous scholars (e.g., Blower 1995; Cordy-Collins 1990; Marcos 1986; Marcos

and Norton 1981; Masucci 1995; Norton 1986; Norton et al. 1983; Paulsen 1974;

Rieff Anawalt 1992; Rostworowski and Morris 1999; Sandweiss 1999; Shimada

1999; Villamarn and Villamarn 1999) point to long-distance trade as one of the

primary activities associated with precolumbian Spondylusproduction.

Figure 5. Valdivia pendant.

Figure 6. Late Engoroy figurine (photo courtesy Richard Lunniss).

SPONDYLUSUSE IN ECUADOR

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The discovery of worked Spondylus outside of its natural range,

including coastal Peru and highland Ecuador, signifies the existence of long-

distance trade networks. In fact, Paulsen argues that every one of the many

specimens of these shells discovered archaeologically in the Andean highlandsand the Peruvian coast must have been carried there from its original home in

coastal Ecuador (1974:597). Such long-distance trade indicates that economic

and ritual value was ascribed to Spondylus. Marcos (1977) suggests that the

value of Spondylus corresponds directly to its ritual use by precolumbian Andean

populations. Rostworowski and Morris (1999) argue that Spondylus or mullu, as it

is known in Quechua, was used in precolumbian Peru as an offering for the gods.

Correspondingly, Marcos (1977) suggests that the ritual use of Spondylus created

a demand and also increased its value. Apart from their role in ritual exchange,

Spondylusbeads were also used as a form of currency throughout much of coastalEcuador. Red and white Spondylus beads that were produced along the coast

were traded to the highlands for copper and cotton (Blower 1995). To this end,

Spondylus was important both ritually and secularly.

Although there is no clear way of knowing the process by which Spondylus

was collected during the precolumbian period, archaeological evidence from

coastal Ecuador provides us with valuable insight. Research conducted by

Marcos and Norton (1981), as well as by Cordy-Collins (1990), and revisited by

Blower (1995), indicates that divers utilized worked stone anchors, weights, and

hammerstones in order to pry shells from the rocks below the surface of the ocean(Figure 7). These same tools are commonly found by contemporary Spondylus

divers off the coast of southern Manab province.

Clearly, the extensive archaeological research conducted throughout the

southern Manab region provides us with substantial evidence attesting to the

Figure 7. Precolumbian stone weight with Spondylusshells.

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importance of Spondylus to the precolumbian inhabitants of the region. We can

reasonably conclude that the village of Salango was one of the most important

centers of Spondylus procurement and craft production prior to Spanish contact

(see Currie 1995; Villamarn and Villamarn 1999). Although a great deal is knownor can reasonably be inferred about the precolumbian use of Spondylus, relatively

little is known about the contemporary use and cultural significance of Spondylus

in southern Manab province.

CONTEMPORARYSPONDYLUSPROCUREMENT

AND CRAFT PRODUCTION

Recent anthropological enquiries into craft production have focused heavily on

the relationship between craft production and identity. These discussions focusnot only on crafts as markers of ethnic identity (Carruthers 2001; Collorado-

Mansfeld 1999; Garca Canclini 1993), but also on the connection between craft

production and the state (Stephen 1991). Within this context, craft production

is often viewed as a material representation of cultural identity because what

is involved are objects, methods of production, and designs rooted in the

communitys history (Garca Canclini 1993:71). Anthropologists can examine

changes in cultural identity by analyzing influences of external agents on craft

production (Garca Canclini 1993). These agents include craft brokers, museums,

popular media, and the state. In this section I examine the relationship betweenartisanal craft production and community identity while analyzing the process of

identity formation through craft production.

At the beginning of the twenty-first century, Spondylus procurement and

artisanal production remain important activities along the southern Manab coast.

The long history of Spondylus use by the earliest inhabitants of coastal Ecuador

has not gone unnoticed by contemporary inhabitants of the region. Today, more

than 5,000 years removed from the Valdivia culture that once inhabited the

region extending from Manab province south to Guayas province, Spondylus

procurement, craft production, and trade are still important to the divers andartisans of the south-central Ecuadorian coast.

Contemporary Spondylus use in the context of southern Manab province

is centered on its procurement for artisan production and for consumption.3The

local harvest of Spondylus takes place throughout the year in the relatively warm

waters off the coast of southern Manab. A unique feature of the Manab coast is

that, unlike the coastal zones to the south, including Ecuadors Guayas province

and coastal Peru, the waters off coastal Manab are warm enough to support the

growth of Spondylus.The water temperature is due to the movement of the cold

Humbolt Current away from the coast and toward the west. Thus the waters off ofthe southern Manab coast provide an ideal environment for Spondylus.

In Salango, the community most renowned for the harvest of Spondylus in

all of coastal Ecuador, the valuable bivalve is harvested via the long-standing

tradition of diving. Experienced family members, often fathers and uncles, train

divers in their early teens. Divers gain knowledge through experience, and most

become adept at their craft by the time they reach their late teens. Don Felix, a 57-


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year-old retired diver, recounted his years as a diver and how he trained his sons

and nephews to become divers.4

I have been a fisherman and diver all of my life. I began diving when I was10 years old. I wasnt trained . . . I just learned. This is the place to dive

. . . . Salango is known as the place where divers learn. When I started I just

jumped in the water and dove. Since then I have trained these guys when

they were thirteen or fourteen years old [pointing to one of his sons and two

of his nephews]. They are good divers . . . they learned from experience

. . . that is the only way to learn to be a good diver, you just have to get in

the water and dive.

Unlike commercial divers in the United States, the divers of Salango do notuse tanks of compressed oxygen. One method they use is free diving. Free diving

requires a diver to hold his breath for as long as two and a half minutes as he

dives to depths reaching 20 m. A second means of diving uses compressed

oxygen. A gasoline-powered air-compressor is kept on the deck of the boat, and

oxygen is passed from the compressor through a half-inch-diameter hose that

is attached to a regulator. Both types of diving are extremely dangerous and

physically demanding.

Spondylus is usually collected within a few miles of the coast of southern

Manab. It can generally be found along reefs and rocky outcrops where depthsrange from 4 m to 20 m. The majority of the Spondylus harvested in the southern

Manab region is collected in the waters around the numerous small islands and

islets that dot the landscape of the coast. Isla Salango, located approximately 2 km

offshore from the village of Salango, is one such island. For centuries divers have

worked the waters surrounding the island in search of Spondylus. Large numbers

of stone artifacts found in contemporary Spondylusbeds attest to the long history

of Spondylus extraction from the waters surrounding the island (Figure 7).

Marcos Ayola is one of approximately 40 divers who dive commercially for

Spondylus. In his home he proudly displays a large collection of Spondylus shells,as well as numerous stone artifacts that he has collected while diving. The artifacts

collected by Marcos and other local divers include stone net weights, anchors, and

hammerstones similar to those recovered during archaeological investigations in

and around the village of Salango. During an interview with Marcos in his home in

the summer of 2005, he discussed the artifacts and their significance. He pointed

to the artifacts as a symbol of the continuity between the past and the present.

We do what our ancestors did. . . . Diving is something that was done in

the past, and we continue that tradition in the present. . . . When I dive,I am able to see what my ancestors saw. We dive in the same locations as

our ancestors.

In understanding identity with relation to Spondylus use and history, it is

important to note that the growth of artisanal craft production occurred after the

archaeological history of the region was formally revealed through extensive

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excavations and the opening of Museo Salango. The archaeological investigations

that took place in the village of Salango during the 1980s have undoubtedly

contributed to the present practices of Spondylus procurement and artisanal

production. In fact, it can reasonably be argued that the archaeologistsare in largepart responsible for the contemporary cultural value of Spondylus. When referring

to cultural value, I am speaking specifically here of the importance of Spondylus

as a tangible connection to the past. In the village of Salango, the past is known

and understood primarily as a consequence of the archaeological investigations

conducted in the region and the presence of the archaeological museum.

Many of Salangos divers and artisans have family members who worked

with archaeologist Pressley Norton during the excavations at Salango. Although

Spondylus was utilized prior to the excavations at Salango, its use and value have

changed as a result of the archaeological excavations.

Before the excavations at the factory site, we had a different name for

Spondylus. We called it Catarro. We used to eat Spondylus, like we do

today, but we didnt understand the significance of it. Everyone knew what

Catarro was, and then the archaeologist Pressley Norton came and told

people that it was Spondylus.Now everyone uses the scientific name. My

grandfather used to dive for Catarro. . . . It was much more common back

then. Spondyluswas always valuable. . . . We have always used Spondylus,

but now it is well known (Carlos Mendez, diver and artisan).

The significance of the ways in which the past and present are linked by

Spondylus diving should not be overlooked. In many ways, the physical activity

of Spondylus diving allows divers to reconnect with the past and better understand

their relationship to the early indigenous populations of the region. When asked

about this relationship, most divers presented me with a similar response to that

given by Marcos. This region is known for its ancient cultures. Our ancestors

were Spondylusdivers and traders. We continue that tradition (Alfredo Macas,

diver). For many of my informants, the practice of diving for Spondylus is morethan a mere economic activity; it is a way to literally come face-to-face with the

past in a unique environment that is only accessible to a select few individuals.

As suggested by local divers, Spondylus diving and the prehistory of

Spondylus diving provide a means of understanding their identity. For the people

of Salango, Spondylus diving and craft production serve to reenforce notions of

cultural identity. As one diver stated, We are not indigenous, but our ancestors

were indigenous. . . . We do not speak an indigenous language, but we live the same

way that our ancestors lived. We make our living from the ocean. We have done

this for thousands of years. We still dive for Spondyluslike our ancestors. Thestatement speaks to the discontinuity as well as the continuity that exists between

the contemporary population of Salango and their precolumbian ancestors. What

is perhaps most important is the recognition that the contemporary population is

related to the precolumbian population of the region.

Where the past and present are disjointed through processes of assimilation,

as is the case in coastal Ecuador, and indeed all of Latin America, modern artisanal


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practices not only represent a vestige of the past but also function to link the past

to the present. Arts and crafts . . . endure and grow because they fulfill certain

functions within social reproduction (Garca Canclini 1993:37). In the case of

southern Manab province, the artisanal practices of Spondylusprocurement andcraft production function not only economically, but also culturally. The above-

mentioned practices reenforce notions of indigenous ancestry in a community

that is largely regarded as mestizo or montuvio.Ultimately, the economic history

of Spondylus use in coastal Ecuador and the contemporary practices associated

with Spondylus use create a distinctive sense of community identity. The identity

embodied at a general level by the people of Salango, and specifically by the

divers and artisans of Salango, is partially linked to the practices of Spondylus

procurement and artistic production. Ethnographic data support the contention

that Spondylus diving is not solely an economic practice. Spondylus diving is asmuch symbolic as it is economic. For the divers and artisans of Salango, Spondylus

represents one of the few tangible connections to the past.

Despite the archaeological evidence of the precolumbian use of Spondylus,

and its use by contemporary divers and artisans, there is little evidence to support

the contention that Spondylus diving has occurred continuously since first contact

in 1525. Interviews conducted with contemporary as well as retired divers

indicate that Spondylus diving has occurred continuously since the middle part of

the twentieth century, with demonstrable growth in artisanal diving occurring in

the past 20 years. This growth is due in part to the utilization of compressed air(as opposed to free-diving) and the associated ease of diving owing to improved

technology. Moreover, the growth of artisanal diving can be attributed in part

to the artisanal production of Spondylus jewelry and the associated demand for

Spondylus shells.

Artisan production of Spondylus in southern Manab is limited to a handful

of individuals in and around the community of Salango. The majority of the

Spondylus artisans in the southern Manab regionare young men, most of whom

also work in the local diving industry. There are only four Spondylus artisans in the

village of Salango, three of whom are divers as well as artisans. These individualshold a unique knowledge of craft production that links them as individuals, and

the community as a whole, to the precolumbian past.

During an interview held in his workshop, Luis, one of the contemporary

artisans, recounted the work of his late maternal grandfather. According to Luis,

his grandfather worked primarily with mother-of-pearl, which is also found

throughout coastal Ecuadorian waters but has a thinner shell than Spondylus,

making it easier to work. Luis maintained that his grandfather rarely worked

with Spondylusbecause of the difficulty in cutting and shaping it with hand tools.

However, Luis attributed his own desire to work with Spondylus as the result ofhours spent watching his grandfather work. He was a very creative man. . . . He

used to make all sorts of things out of mother-of-pearl. I remember that he once

made a belt-buckle out of mother-of-pearl. Although no formal training occurred,

Luis maintains that the creativity needed to work with Spondylus is the same as that

needed to work with mother-of-pearl and that creativity is in the blood.

Luiss workshop is a small cluttered area located in the back of his parents

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home. A rusted panel of corrugated aluminum covers a small wooden table littered

with fragments of shell. His tools are limited. Luis relies primarily on a grinding

wheel for cutting and polishing the shells. The outside of the Spondylus shell

is first ground down to remove the thick outer layer, exposing the fully coloredshell. Once the shell is cleaned and polished, it is carefully marked using a paper

pattern. The shell is then painstakingly cut to match the pattern. After the pattern

is cut, a buffing wheel is placed on the grinder and rubbed with resin in order to

polish the shell.

The artisanal production of Spondylus jewelry is highly dependent on the

burgeoning tourist market. Supporting Garca Canclinis contention that declining

artisanal production is revived thanks to a growing demand for exotic objects

(1993:41), the growth of Spondylus craft production in southern Manab province

corresponds directly to the recent growth in tourism throughout the region. Assuch, Spondylus craft production straddles the line between the traditional and the

modern. As I have suggested, Spondylus craft production is inherently linked to the

precolumbian past of southern Manab while also being an important commodity

for contemporary artisans.

The form of thefinished product depends on multiple factors. Since Spondylus

jewelry is primarily marketed to tourists, artisans produce a variety of products

varying in price from U.S. $5 to more than $60. Shells are fabricated into beads and

pendants of various sizes for use in necklaces, bracelets, and earrings (Figure 8).

Figure 8. Spondylusnecklace.


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Surprisingly, most of the items crafted by artisans do not attempt to replicate

precolumbian designs. Instead, artisans create designs with which the casual

tourist can readily identify. Most tourists who visit southern Manab province

do so during the months of June through August. The greatest tourist attractionduring this time is the migration of the Pacific humpback whale and the associated

whale-watching tours. In recognition of this, Spondylus shell pendants in the form

of whale tails are some of the most common products produced by the artisans

of Salango. Although they are some of the least expensive items sold by local

artisans, the design as well as the price is attractive to tourists, and they are some

of the easiest items to fabricate. Skilled artisans can produce a whale tail pendant

in less than 30 minutes.

While the majority of the jewelry produced by local artisans is sold to tourists

who visit the coast, some artisans have made connections that enable them to shiptheir goods abroad. Luiss cousin Rolando was the first to start selling his crafts

outside the Salango region. For the past five years he has supplemented his income

by shipping whale tail pendants and other contemporary designs to the United

States. While he has been able to get higher prices for his goods by selling them in

the United States, he is selling to customers that have little or no understanding of

the history of Spondylus. Also, unlike tourists who buy Spondylusjewelry while

vacationing along the Ecuadorian coast, buyers in the U.S. do not necessarily

equate the purchased jewelry with a particular experience or place. Ultimately,

the jewelry sold abroad is purchased for different reasons than the jewelry that ispurchased by tourists visiting coastal Ecuador.

The change in meaning that takes place from artisanal good to tourist

commodity speaks to the hybrid (Chibnik 2003; Garca Canclini 1995) nature

of Spondylusand the corresponding shift from traditional to modern. As is the

case with worked Spondylus, a dramatic shift in meaning and value takes place

as a result of commodification. Whereas Spondylus represents a connection to the

past for the divers and artisans of Salango, it takes on a very different meaning

for tourists. For tourists, the history of Spondylus use in coastal Ecuador is often

of far less importance than the aesthetic of contemporary Spondylusjewelry. Forthis reason, artisans rarely replicate precolumbian designs, but instead create

jewelry with modern designs, which are often symbolically attached to tourists

experiences in the region.

ANALYSIS: THE PAST IN THE PRESENT

Artisanal craft production straddles the ancient commodity economy and the

postmodern capitalist economy (Carruthers 2001; Garca Canclini 1993). Perhaps

no other artisanal practice illustrates this more than artisanal Spondylus use inSalango. Garca Canclini (1995) examines hybrid cultures and the blurred

lines that exist between traditional and modern. Contemporary Spondylus use

in coastal Ecuador represents the cultural hybridity (Garca Canclini 1995)

that is prevalent throughout much of Latin America, in that the crafts serve an

economic function while strengthening local cultural institutions (Stephen 1991).

Contemporary Spondylus use represents a clear connection to the past while the

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economic strategies used to market Spondylus are clearly linked to the present.

In order to understand the contemporary cultural significance of Spondylus it

is important to ask why the present inhabitants of southern Manab province use

this relatively obscure shell. I suggest that we can gain insight into the presentcultural value of Spondylus by examining its use from a functional perspective.

Here I draw heavily on the work of Garca Canclini (1993) and his discussion

of craft value. Garca Canclini (1993) argues that the transition of crafts from

artisanal good to capitalist commodity consists of changes in the types of value

attributed to the craft. First, crafts have a value within the community. In the

transition from traditional craft to capitalist commodity, crafts become imbued

with a commercial exchange value. In the third stage, there is a prevalence of the

cultural (aesthetic) value of tourists, who inscribe it within their own symbolic

system, which is different fromand at times opposed tothe Indian system(Garca Canclini 1993:6162).

Among the divers and artisans of southern Manab, Spondylus is a commodity.

However, although Spondylus jewelry is now primarily manufactured for, and

marketed to, tourists, Spondylus retains an important cultural value. As I have

illustrated,Spondylusdiving and craft production reenforce inhabitants connection

to the past. Despite the fact that Spondylus has become highly commercialized

through the sale of shells and jewelry, it remains one of the few tangible connections

to the precolumbian past for the divers and artisans of Salango. Roberto Ascencio,

a 25-year-old diver, spoke of the symbolism of Spondylus in the following way.Spondylusis a symbol of this place. . . . it represents something that is more than

important for the people who live here in Salango. It represents our ancestors, our

past, the history of this community.

Spondylus has remained an indelible symbol of Ecuadors past and present.

My research suggests that despite the dramatic changes that have occurred

throughout coastal Ecuador over the past 5,000 years, Spondylus retains important

symbolic and economic functions. Spondylus is an important symbol of Salangos

precolumbian past and ethnographic present.

Spondylusis a symbol, a symbol of our community. Salango is full of culture.

The people who lived here thousands of years ago lived for Spondylus.It

was very important. It was a symbol of the Inca Empire during that time

and it is still an important symbol for the people of Salango. In actuality,

Salango is one of the best known places for Spondylusin all of Ecuador if

not all of the world (Mario Valdez, diver).

My interviews with the divers and artisans of Salango illustrate the relevance

of the past in the present. As I have illustrated throughout this paper, Spondyluswas not only important for the precolumbian inhabitants of Salango, it is also

important for the contemporary inhabitants. Just as Spondylus served significant

economic and symbolic functions for the precolumbian inhabitants of coastal

Ecuador, it continues to be a prominent symbol of the region and its people.


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CONCLUDING REMARKS

The use of Spondylus by the precolumbian inhabitants of coastal Ecuador has

been thoroughly documented by archaeologists working throughout the regionsince the 1970s. However, ethnographic data pertaining to the contemporary use

of Spondylusin coastal Ecuador is severely limited. My research in the coastal

Ecuadorian community of Salango suggests that research into Spondylus should

not be relegated to the examination of archaeological collections. Although

far removed from its earliest uses by the precolumbian populations of coastal

Ecuador, Spondylus retains a vital position within the current cultural landscape of

coastal Ecuador. Corresponding to its precolumbian function in coastal Ecuador,

Spondylusis economically important to the contemporary population of Salango.

More significantly, Spondylus is an essential symbol of community identity. As amaterial object Spondylus is one of the few tangible connections between coastal

Ecuadors precolumbian past and its ethnographic present.

In Ecuador, as in most Latin American countries, identity is highly contested.

While questions pertaining to contemporary identities are generally the domain

of cultural anthropologists, archaeologists have a great deal of evidence to add

to this discussion. In many cases, the work of archaeologists does more than

illuminate questions about the past. In the case study presented in this paper,

archaeologists have done much to provide the contemporary population of

Salango with a means of understanding their own identity. While the focus of thisarticle is not the influence of archaeologists in the construction of contemporary

identities, it is important to note the way in which the archaeological record is

used by the contemporary population of Salango to ground their cultural self-

identity. As Smith (1991) suggests, contemporary identities that may appear to be

newly formed cannot be separated from preexisting or rediscovered elements.

In coastal Ecuador, the reinvention of tradition has helped to form a basis for

grounding local identity in the past.

Future research into the construction of localized identities should consider

the relationships among history, economic practice, and identity. Whereasarchaeology and ethnography are all too often viewed as separate fields of enquiry,

this article illustrates the potential for ethnographers to use archaeological data in

order to answer questions about the present.

NOTES

1. All interviews were conducted in Spanish. All translations are my own. This revised

version benefitted from the comments of three anonymous JAR reviewers. I would like to

thank Dr. Michael Harris, Dr. Patrick Gay, Dr. Richard Lunniss, and Valentina Martnez fortheir ongoing assistance in the field.

2. In 2004 the comunaof Salango gained official status as an indigenous community.

Salango joined more than 300 other communities in Manab and Guayas provinces as

Un Pueblo Manta-Huancavilca. In July 2006, the comunas of Salango, Agua Blanca,

Las Tunas, and Ayampe separated from the Manta-Huancavilca and formed their own

indigenous organization, known as the Pueblo Manta.

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3. Spondylus meat is a highly valued local delicacy that is served at regional restaurants.

It is marketed to clients as the food of the gods because of its precolumbian ceremonial

function.

4. In total, Don Felix has trained both of his sons and five of his nephews. Don Felixs

sons and nephews are well-respected divers who have worked as professional divers in

Salango as well the Galapagos.

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