Jens Damm Taiwan Mainland Migration

7/31/2019 Jens Damm Taiwan Mainland Migration

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Jens Damm 1

Migration across the Taiwan Strait since the 1980s: Social

Discourses and Political Implications for Taiwan and the Chinese

Mainland

What is the influence of the increasing migration across the Taiwan Strait on cultural, ethnic andnational identities? There is no doubt that migration across the Taiwan Strait has reached new

heights: up to one million Taiwanese business people, the so-called Taishang , have settled onthe Mainland either temporarily or, increasingly, for longer periods and 10 percent of all marriages inTaiwan involve a Taiwanese man and a woman from the Mainland. But only at first glance can this beseen as a sign of increased integration and rapprochement between the two sides; closer analysisreveals the continuing existence of a highly contradictory situation. No other immigrant group in

Taiwan faces as many discriminatory laws as the Mainland Chinese wives (the so-called dalu peiou

, for whom the pejorative term dalumei is often used, while other terms, such as xin

zhumin , that is, new immigrants, are only slowly starting to be used by the press). Reports inthe mainstream press, public opinion polls, and even academic discussions indicate the existence of strong prejudices, and Mainland Chinese wives are much less welcome than, for example, SoutheastAsian brides. On the Chinese Mainland, the Taishang are politically privileged and known ascompatriots of our own flesh and blood 2, but in everyday life, contacts between the two groups of Taishang and Mainland Chinese exist mainly in the economic sphere, and in everyday life, theTaishang have established a unique situation of diaspora on the Mainland. While the official media

praise the Taishang, referred to as Taiwanese compatriots ( Taibao ), and their smoothintegration in the local Chinese Fujian culture which is described as similar in terms of local languageand dialect, possessing the same traditional customs and offering the same diet, a large number of Blogs in China run counter to this official discourse, describing the prejudices and rejection that havebeen encountered similarly to the situation of the new migrants who have arrived in Taiwan fromthe Mainland.

This leads to the question of the influence exerted on the formation of national identities by theincreasing migration across the Taiwan Strait identities that are formed by the process of self-perception and the perception of the self by others, where the others can be people living in Taiwan

1 Published as EIAS Newsletter, available athttp://www.eias.org/documents/Paper_April_2012_Taiwan_Mainland_Migration.pdf

Jens Damm is currently an Assistant Professor, at the Graduate Institute of Taiwan Studies, Chang JungChristian University, Tainan. He is also a board member of the European Association of Taiwan Studies Hisresearch is mainly focused on discourses on gender and ethnicity-related issues in Taiwan, Greater Chinaincluding the Peoples Republic of China, and on the impact of new communication technologies. His mostrecent publications are Taiwanese Identity in the 21st Century (Routledge 2011, co-edited with GunterSchubert), Whither Taiwanization? (Journal of Current Chinese Affairs, 2011, co-edited with Yoshihisa Amae)and European Perspectives on Taiwan (VS Springer 2012, co-edited with Paul Lim).

2 See, for example, Jiang Zemin's Eight-point Proposal from 1995, available athttp://www.gwytb.gov.cn/en/Special/Jiang/201103/t20110316_1789198.htm (30 Jan 1995), accessed 22March 2012.


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as well as people living on the Mainland. One specific problem in this case is the unresolved Taiwanissue: some regard migration across the Strait as de facto international migration between twonation states on both sides while others construe this migration as taking place within one howevertemporarily separated - nation only.

In the following, I will briefly elaborate on identity formation in Taiwan as well as in Mainland China,before going on to analyze, in more detail, the two dominant forms of migration, that is, economicmigration and marriage migration, within the framework of identity formation and questions of integration. After a brief conclusion, I will end with some possible future scenarios anddevelopments.

Identity FormationsIn contrast to the Mainland, where a pan-Han Chinese identity has been undisputed since the late19th century, identity has remained one of the most disputed topics in Taiwan up to the present day.

Since the democratization and pluralization of the island, three identity formations have come intoexistence.

Firstly, parts of the Kuomintang ( Guomindang ), the conservative Nationalist Party in Taiwan, -similarly to the situation on the Chinese Mainland - consider Taiwan to be primarily a Han Chinesesociety and thus part of a broader Chinese nation-state . Secondly, some more radical parts of the

Democratic Progressive Party ( Minzhu jinbu dang ) and parts of the independencemovement have promoted the idea that Taiwan is primarily shaped by its Hoklo-identity . 3 Similar tothe nation-building processes in Europe in the 19th century (and more recently, for example, informer Yugoslavia), this nation-building process is directed against the dominance of the Mainlanders

(waishengren ) and their quasi-colonial system .4 Thirdly, mainstream society includingrepresentatives of all parties, have come to the conclusion that Taiwan has been shaped, historically,by various maritime influences and, at the same time, by Han Chinese immigration, which allows apluralistic construction of identity .

From this perspective, the existence of various ethnic groups and their characteristics are consideredto be positive factors in promoting multiple identities, as well as in promoting different native

languages ( muyu ). This is accompanied by adherence to a constitutional patriotism , thatincludes pride in the achievements of democracy and pluralism, respect for individual human rightsand observance of religious tolerance. However, whether this constitutes a particular nationalidentity for Taiwan alone or a model for a China that will be unified in the future is sharply disputedwithin the two main political camps.

Nevertheless, people in Taiwan do not describe themselves as Chinese ( Zhongguoren ). Thisbecomes obvious, for example, in the annual surveys carried out since 1992 by the conservativeElection Study Center, National Chengchi University. Since 1992, people in Taiwan have been asked

3 The Hoklo ( fulao ) are the largest ethnic group in Taiwan (80 percent) and their language is a sub-groupof Southern Min. Most of them can trace their ancestry to settlers who migrated to Taiwan from Fujian in the17th and 18th centuries.

4 The Mainlanders ( waishengren ) are a relatively new group which only emerged after 1945-1949, when thenew migrants from China who arrived with the Kuomintang formed a distinct group shaped by their use of Mandarin as the primary language and also by their different collective memory with regard to the Japanese.


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which identity describes them best: only Taiwanese ( Taiwanren ), Taiwanese and Chinese( Zhongguoren ) simultaneously, or only Chinese ( Zhongguoren ). There has been a steady increase inonly Taiwanese, while only Chinese has drastically declined. The latest figures are as follows(survey from mid-2011) 54.2 percent of Taiwans population chose Taiwanese (1992: 17.6 percent),

and 39 percent, both Taiwanese and Chinese (1992: 46.4 percent), while the number of thosechoosing only Chinese, dropped to a low of 4.1 percent (1992: 25.5) (2.7 Percent providing noanswer, in 1992: 10.5). 5

Migration

Migration to the Mainland and migration from the Mainland, as well as political and mediadiscussions that are focused on these waves of migration, can provide insights into the sustainabilityof the identity constructs, showing contradictions and inconsistencies, and can also offer furtherinformation on the increasing integration of the two sides that has frequently been postulatedrecently.

Economic Migration to Mainland China

Since the gradual (and at first economic) opening of the Mainland starting in the late 1970s (theSpecific Economic Zone in Xiamen was opened, for example, in 1980) and the lifting of travelrestrictions by the government in Taipei at the end of the 1980s, hundreds of thousands of Taiwanese have taken up residence on the Mainland . Most of these are business people ( Taishang ),including investors, the Taiwanese employees of Taiwanese and international companies, spousesand family members, as well as younger people seeking job opportunities and Taiwanese studentswho have graduated with a degree of a university I the Peoples Republic of China (PRC). More

serious estimates have calculated that the number stands at between 500,000 to 1 millionTaiwanese. The Taishang are mostly concentrated in three areas: Dongguan in the Pearl River Delta,Shanghai and Xiamen. The second generation of Taishang, the better educated and / or with a largerinvestment volume, in particular, are considering taking up permanent residence on the Mainland .

The question of identity, that is the self-perception of the Taishang , can be summarized as follows:firstly, in political terms, they are overwhelmingly inclined towards the Blue Camp (the KMT camp inTaiwan), but they are aware of a degree of alienation in their everyday life and interaction with theirMainland counterparts. Some researchers have come to the conclusion that, particularly inDongguan and Xiamen, a specific situation of diaspora has arisen ) which can be demonstrated using

the following points: the leaving of the country/region of origin for a valid reason (economicconditions), the existence of institutions and networks that create social cohesion and render thegroup independent of the host society (schools, restaurants, clubs, recreational facilities, groups of friends), the development and maintenance of values and norms that distinguish and separate thediaspora community, the predominant feeling of not being accepted by the host society, and thecontinuing interest in the region of origin (political interest) while, at the same time, consideration isbeing given to taking up permanent residence in the host society.

5 See http://esc.nccu.edu.tw/english/modules/tinyd2/index.php?id=6 for the latest poll (1992/06-2011/06). Iemploy a definition of identity which is more common to political science research, I am, however aware of thepoints raised by Stuart Hall and others with regard to the difficulties that result from the deconstruction of identities and the use of identity in a strategic context . See also .


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The mainstream media discourse in Mainland China as well as statements made by politicians showthat the Taishang are regarded as compatriots made up of the same flesh and blood, with similarhistorical experience of Chinese culture, and their speedy integration is therefore expected.However, numerous blogs, such as those found on the Xiamen Net, contain a significant number of negative descriptions of the Taishang, including the re-emerging topic of their lack of integration, theexploitation of the situation of Mainland Chinese women from poorer backgrounds by Taiwanesemen, the arrogance and the lack of sensitivity that they show towards Mainlanders and, finally,

criticism of the Japanese influenced seqing wenhua - pornographic culture of Taiwanesemen in Mainland China.

How are the Taishang perceived in Taiwan? Wide differences exist between the two political camps:the Blue Camp stresses the economic importance of the Taishang for Taiwan, their continuingcontact with Taiwan and their interest in Taiwans social and political developments, emphasizing therole they play as mediators between the various political camps in Taiwan, while the Green Camp

casts doubt on the loyalty of the Taishang and even accuses them of betraying Taiwans interests.

Marriage Migration to Taiwan

Problems arising from integration and issues of uncertain identity are even more obvious in the caseof marriage migration. First of all, in contrast to the simple legal requirements that have to befulfilled for the Taishang to migrate to the Mainland (including work permits, residence permits),marriage migration to Taiwan encounters a number of legal hurdles. Only in 1997 were the ActGoverning Relations Between Peoples of the Taiwan Area and the Mainland Area ( renmin guanxi

liang'an tiaoli ) adopted to create a legal basis for bilateral marriages, althoughquite a number of former KMT soldiers had married a Mainland Chinese woman after 1987, beforelocal Taiwanese men started to follow this trend of marrying Mainland Chinese women.Nevertheless, due to the unresolved political situation, work permits for spouses from the Mainlandare much more restricted than for ordinary foreigners (that is to say, work permits are onlyallocated after naturalization, which takes about 6 years, and spouses then have to wait a further 10years after naturalization before they are allowed to take part in the official examinations) . 6

The discussions in the Taiwanese media cover various aspects: first, the urban sense of superioritywith regard to Taiwans rural population (the husbands), and feminist groups and human rightsactivists have increasingly started to use specific cases to argue against the ongoing discrimination.Security questions still play a role, and officials who are often from the old KMT environment arereluctant to interpret the rules in favor of the new migrants. In addition, there has been a great deal

of discussion over the quality ( renkou suzhi ) of the new migrants, including the childrenof these marriages. It is also often assumed that many of the marriages entered into are shammarriages. The feminist and human right groups, however, argue that discrimination is notcompatible with the Taiwanese understanding of human rights which forms the basis of the modernTaiwanese pluralistic . 7

6 See English version of the Act is available at http://www.mac.gov.tw/public/MMO/RPIR/book367.pdf,accessed 21 March 2012.

7 For the implementation in Taiwan of the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against

Women ( ), see http://www.glin.gov/view.action?glinID=248063 , accessed 12March 2012.
http://www.glin.gov/view.action?glinID=248063http://www.glin.gov/view.action?glinID=248063


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Summary

A new situation can now be seen emerging: a steady wave of migration from Taiwan to MainlandChina and from Mainland China to Taiwan, the latter being almost 100 percent female. In addition,migration processes have automatically led to cultural and national integration processes, as is

often postulated, as well as to an increase in Taiwanese subjectivity ( Taiwan zhuti xing

).

A complex picture is emerging, which confirms a de facto Taiwanese diaspora on the Mainland, andthe specific rejection of Mainland Chinese migrants (in particular, marriage migrants) in Taiwan. Thediscrepancies between the official and unofficial Chinese media descriptions of the Taishang areobvious. However, there are reports that the integration process has been more successful in someof the urban and more cosmopolitan areas of Mainland China, for example, among the children of the Taishang who attend PRC Chinese schools and not specific Taishang schools.

Considering the three above-mentioned identity constructions, it is obvious that the Taishang arepolitically pan-Han Chinese, but their feelings of alienation serve to strengthen their constitutionalpatriotism and the feeling that they belong to Taiwan. The rejection of the Taishang by the GreenCamp is an indication that the Hoklo-ethnic approach still exists. In the case of marriage migration toTaiwan, a more paradoxical situation can be observed: within the legal system of the Republic of China on Taiwan, which is still based on a jus sanguinis nationality system, Mainland Chinese womenare discriminated against precisely because they have the same ethnic and linguistic characteristicsas most of the people on Taiwan.

In my opinion, the following changes can be expected in the near future: marriage migrants from the

Mainland will be able to obtain rights similar to those enjoyed by other migrants. The discussion willtend to focus increasingly on the students coming to Taiwan from the Mainland and the question of whether they should be allowed to remain on the island after graduation.

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Documents

Jens Damm Taiwan Mainland Migration