ZUSAMMENFASSUNG

Viele wichtige Faktoren bestimmen den Einsatzvon Musikinstrumenten in der andinen Tradition.So verpflichten Kontext und Anlaß zu einem musi-kalischen Ereignis überlieferungsgemäß die Musi-ker zur Wahl des „richtigen“ Instruments. Dasheißt, daß unterschiedliche Instrumente den ein-zelnen Jahreszeiten oder bestimmten Festen zuge-ordnet sind. Hinzu kommt, daß Musikinstrumenteje nach ihrer symbolischen Zuschreibung undFunktion nur von Frauen oder von Männerngespielt werden können. Alle Zeugnisse der musik-bezogenen Tradition in den Anden, handle es sichnun um archäologische, historische und ethnogra-phische Belege, laufen darauf hinaus, daß alle Flö-ten- und Trompetentypen nur von Männern zuspielen sind. Abweichungen gibt es nur im Fallvolkstümlichen Musizierens.

Können wir, wenn wir alle Quellengruppenhinterfragen, diese Phänomene erklären? WelcheMöglichkeiten und Grenzen ergeben sich aus demVergleich (der verschiedenen Erscheinungsformen)und bei der Interpretation?

The problem of the usefulness of historical andethnographic sources in music-archaeologicalresearch assumes special significance within thecontext of Andean studies. The mutual relation ofthose three types of sources in this terrain isshaped totally differently from, e. g. Europe orAsia. This situation is determined by at least twoessential factors. First and foremost, mentionshould be made of the rather sudden emergence ofsignificant changes within the range of Andeantraditions as a result of their confrontation withEuropean culture. The second factor is the rela-tively late appearance of written sources, whichdid not take place until the 16th and 17th centuries.

A transformation affecting the instrumentari-um is an example of a rapid, not to say revolution-ary turn in Andean music, which occurred duringthis breakthrough period; more concretely, it

entailed the spread among Indian musicians ofstring instruments, previously absent in thisregion. The spectacular course of this phenome-non meant that in a rather brief period of time theinstrumentarium in question was not only dissem-inated but also underwent a number of changes,thus yielding interesting examples of original, localtechnical solutions as regards the construction ofassorted varieties of chordophones (especiallyharps and the lute).

The first symptoms of compositions, whichalso originate from at least the beginning of the16th century, testify to an already forming musicalsyncretism, especially in religious music. A stan-dard example, cited in almost all historical works,is the four-voice polyphonic hymn “Hanaq-pachap”, with words in the kechua language andmelodic turns characteristic of Indian tradition,noted by the Franciscan Juan Pérez de Bocanegrain 1631. More recent years have brought succes-sive interesting musicological discoveries pointingto the considerable participation of Indian tradi-tion in religious compositions created in mission-ary centres established in the Andean region. Earlychronicles also contain much information aboutthe course of this process.

Although all intercultural contacts can producecertain changes within musical practice, the overallimage of the history of Andean music retains itsspecificity against the backdrop of other culturalregions: a long period of archaeological cultures,dated thanks to monuments originating from atleast the 5th millennium B.C.1, an era which indu-bitably witnessed gradual, more or less acceleratedtransformations, was followed in the 16th and 17th

century, by a sudden, relatively short-livedupheaval leading to rapid transformations that sub-sequently assumed the form of a several-centuries

1 The antara (pan-pipe) and kena flute in Chilca and Asia inthe department of Lima (Bolaños 1985, 11).

Masculine Musical Instruments in the AndeanTraditionAnna Gruszczynska-Ziółkowska

long stabilisation2. The extent to which the changestaking place at the time are permanent and mean-ingful remains a question which plays a special rolein research delving into specific detailed issues.

The second aforementioned factor, decisive forthe specificity of the Andean region, is the rela-tively late origin of the historical sources and theircontents. Early Spanish chronicles, assortedrecords, letters, documents and directives from the16th and 17th century abound with informationpertaining predominantly to phenomena from thebreakthrough period in Andean history. They areequally valuable as documents registering Indiantradition witnessed by the chroniclers. Althoughthey do not encompass musical treatises, thesesources bring numerous descriptions of eventsaccompanied by music, and thus remain docu-ments offering extensive data about the traditionsof musical praxis.

In the face of the above-mentioned facts itseems that both historical and ethnographic mater-ial, and thus written monuments and oral tradi-tion, could comprise valuable and inspiringsources for Andean music-archaeological research.Apparently, historical or ethnographic musicolog-ical investigations ascribe importance to the out-come of increasingly extensive archaeologicalinvestigations. Practice demonstrates that fre-quently a problem examined in the course of eth-nomusicological studies almost automaticallyleads towards the past and pertinent sources, andthat while analysing archaeological or historicalmaterial we often find vivid analogies and similari-ties with traditional music-making registered bycontemporary ethnomusicologists. True, JohnBlacking warned that “knowledge of contempo-rary music-making can be misleading because ofthe ways in which styles of performanceschange”3, but it seems that the retention of suitablemethodological caution4 makes it possible for suchthree types of sources to supplement each other.

The model proposed by Dale A. Olsen appearsto be particularly valuable in this type of research.Its focal point is “musical knowledge”, the “objec-tive of the inquiry”, towards which four types ofprocedures lead (and from which they benefit);Olsen described them as the archaeologicalprocess, the music iconographic process, the histo-riographic process and the ethnologic analogyprocess. His guidelines take into consideration allsorts of gaps and deficiencies of the research mate-rial of the disciplines participating in the realisa-tion of the task, albeit the essence of the premisesis that “each process [is conceived as] a steptowards focusing on the ultimate musicologicalgoal, and until all four can be considered in depth(which admittedly would happen only rarely)‘total’ understanding will not be possible”5. It is

characteristic that this “holistic and idealistic”model was created by a researcher well acquaintedwith the musicological problems of the LatinAmerican cultures, and that he employed materialprecisely from this region (the Sinú basin in NorthColumbia) for the purpose of exemplifying theapplication of the model6.

The article presented below is a modest attemptat referring to Olsen’s model and presenting thepotential embedded in comparative research uponthe example of a select question associated withpractical music-making.

A survey of all sorts of documentation ofarchaeological material originating from variousperiods and Andean cultures indicates an extraor-dinary richness of wind instruments: flutes, pan-pipes, trumpets, horns, whistles and vessel aero-phones. At the same time, the iconography ofthose cultures makes it possible to note a certainregularity: the musicians playing the wind instru-ments are men. Since it is impossible to list all themonuments, and even more so to conduct ananalysis from the viewpoint of the context ofmusical activity, I shall concentrate only on severalsignificant examples.

The point of departure is a depiction found on aNasca culture vessel (6th century B.C. – 6th centuryA.D.). This rather well known scene, analysedalmost seventy years ago by Raoul d’Harcourt,shows a man surrounded by pan-pipes. Similarlikenesses were discovered by d’Harcourt in thedecoration of other examples of Nasca pottery,whose joint message he perceived in an ithyphallicpresentation of the male figure and the presence ofattributes: pan-pipes7, a vessel with a hole at thebottom, placed next to the phallus8 and, frequently,the jiquima or camote fruit, scenes, which in hisopinion refer to a fertility rite9.

2 This period may be compared to certain recent phenomenaoccurring under the impact of the development of electron-ic technology and the mass media.

3 Blacking 1988, 332.4 Ellen Hickmann appeals for a cautious approach towards

this question (Hickmann 2000, 7).5 Olsen 1988, 307; see also Mendivil, this volume.6 Olsen 1988, 305–328.7 d’Harcourt 1935, fig. 1.8 The phallus is also shown as inserted into such a vessel. In

the opinion of d’Harcourt this form of depiction indicatesthe function of the vessel as “étui penien”, although it mustbe emphasised that the shape of such vessels is almost iden-tical to that of ceramic vessel drums, typical for the Nascaculture, while the existence of an opening at their bottomhas an obvious acoustic justification.

9 d’Harcourt 1935, 25–33. The ritual nature of the depictedactivity is also underlined by the presence of the San Pedrocactus, whose juice has hallucinative properties. In theiconography of the figure the cactus is placed on the stom-ach of the man, which could be a symbolic suggestion of itsconsumption.

Anna Gruszczynska-Ziółkowska254

In Nasca art, the links between wind instru-ments, especially trumpets and flutes10, with typi-cally male activity are evident. Numerous depic-tions show musicians whose head coverings (e. g.turbans made of coiled slings), painted faces andcertain attributes (for instance, spears, arrows,arrow projectors, nets) indicate their non-musicalprofessions11. Attention is due also to another cat-egory of depictions, whose characteristic feature isa distinctive changeability of the attributes: theweapons held by the men are replaced by a musicalinstrument (pan-pipes)12.

The problem of the close association betweenwind instruments and male activity is illustratedeven more conspicuously by the realistically deco-rated vessels of the Moche culture, which devel-oped along the northern coast of Peru at a timeanalogous to the Nasca culture. Here we comeacross numerous depictions of individual musi-cians and whole orchestras, composed of trum-pets, flutes and pan-pipes. Particularly significantbattle scenes portray extremely vividly the activeparticipation of wind instruments. The musiciansare frequently persons of high social status, as evi-denced by their richly adorned helmets13.

Interesting comparative material is provided byiconography from the colonial period, some oneand half thousand years later. Copious material isto be found in the decorations of wooden ceremo-nial mugs (so-called kero), which, albeit frequentlydominated by a colonial style, refer to embellish-ments used during the Inca period and recall sym-bols from bygone days. One of the monumentsdated as 18th century14 provides an excellent exam-ple. The upper, figurative fragment of the decora-tion shows a group of five men, walking single-file. Dressed in ceremonial unkus, with headsbedecked with colourful plumes, they play pan-pipes, moving in the long strides of a dance. Themen are followed by five equally lavishly clothedwomen, holding a rope made of shawls tiedtogether at the corners. This depiction producesthe impression of being an entity, since the figuresare displayed on the surface of the vessels as if theywere “circumventing” it. Actually, we are dealingwith two different musical contexts and totallyseparate dances performed by men and women15.The decoration also contains another noteworthydetail, namely, the presence of pan-pipes only onthe “male” part of the mug16.

How does this problem appear in present-daypraxis? Contemporary popular music demon-strates the relatively considerable activity ofwomen playing various instruments. Growinginterest in local tradition, noticeable in recentyears, is also the reason why many young womentake part in assorted courses or attend schoollessons teaching them how to play traditional

instruments, including assorted flutes. On theother hand, we do not encounter female membersof orchestras or ensembles engaged in the realisa-tion of traditional rituals. This is still the domainof men, probably owing to the specificity of thetasks involved. Presence in a ceremonial musicalensemble is by no means voluntary, and suitableskills are won by taking part in such ceremoniesfrom childhood and gradually attaining higherpositions in the strictly hierarchical group, which,upon occasions, is organised in a paramilitarymanner17.

These observations justify the assumption thatthe permanent assignment of wind instruments tomen is based on some sort of foundation deeperthan mere custom. How durable is this regularity?Are historical sources capable of disclosing itssense? This issue is of particular interest in view ofthe fact that the crux of the matter entails a princi-ple observed in the Andean region regardless ofwhether in concrete comparable instances we aredealing with so-called cultural continuity.

An interesting aspect of this problem, which,quite possibly, indicates the trend of interpretingthe whole phenomenon, is provided by an analysisof earliest historical sources pertaining to theAndean terrains, that is, the so-called Spanishchronicles from the 16th and 17th century.

Let us now diverge slightly towards the motifof the participation of women in music-makingsince, although this is not the prime topic of thearticle, it appears to be equally intriguing. Theonly instrument mentioned in the chronicles asplayed by women seems to have been the drum, or

10 The dominating instrument in the Nasca culture was theantara (pan-pipes).

11 They could also suggest a ceremonial, ritual identificationwith a certain function.

12 Cf. e. g., almost identical anthropmorphic vessels, withslightly different details – apparel, head coverings andpainted faces – in the portrayal of men. The most distinctdifference is to be found in the attributes: one of the menholds arrows and an arrow projector, while the other holdsan antara (pan-pipes) (Arte y tesoros... 1986).

13 Makowski 2000, 137–175.14 Flores Ochoa/Kuon Arce/Samanez Argumedo 1998,

244–247.15 Actually, the heart of the matter concerns a slightly more

complicated arrangement - regular quadripartite symmetry.The lower part of the vessel, decorated with symbolic ele-ments, is divided into two parts – male and female, albeitthe pattern is the opposite to the upper part. As a result,dancing male figures are shown above a floral decorationwith decisively female connotations, while a decorationwith a male symbolic is found below the dancing females.

16 The fact that the division of the decorative surface of themug is much more complicated does not influence thelocalisation of the instruments: regardless of the level onwhich we divide the parts of the mug (2 or 4), the instru-ments are located in the “male” part (half or quarter).

17 Cf. Gruszczynska-Ziółkowska 1995.

Masculine Musical Instruments in the Andean Tradition 255

rather various types of drums: from small hand-held ones to large instruments suspended on spe-cially constructed stands.

It must be emphasised that women are not theonly musicians using drums. Certain situationscalled for the presence of men playing these instru-ments whenever they served a special purpose, asin the huarachico initiation ceremony, when fourlarge “drums of the Sun”18 were placed in the cen-tral square in Cuzco, or the Itu ceremony, inwhich the performers of a suitable dance, whichrequired the use of small white drums19 wereyoung men from the Inca caste, who that year hadcompleted their initiation rites. Another specialsituation was created by war, when the drum wasfrequently deployed as a weapon, especially whenit was built out of the body of a fallen foe. Impor-tance was attached to the skillful art of “speakingwith the drum”, befitting a concrete situation onthe battlefield, so that the enemy, hearing the voiceof its leader, would flee20. A rule binding duringwartime hostilities in accordance with the disposi-tions issued by the rulers21 forbade “all Indianwomen or other females [...] to play drums, telljoyful or droll stories, or touch weapons or theinstruments of war”22.

The chronicles recount an interesting legendabout the drum: at the time of a terrible deluge inthe distant past all forms of earthly life weredestroyed with the exception of a woman and aman, who sought shelter inside a drum23, and werecarried by water and wind to the land of Huanaco(in another version – Tiahuanaco)24.

In this manner, thanks to its closed construc-tion, the drum saved mankind from total extinc-tion and rendered possible its revival. This couldbe the reason why women, the founts of life, canplay this instrument. The protective role of thedrum, especially when held by women, isexpressed in the music-making documented bychroniclers and realised in This World (KayPacha), and refers both to events which take placein the Upper World (Hanan Pacha), where, e. g.atmospheric processes are determined, and in theLower World (Ukhu Pacha), the destination of thedead25.

Inca Garcilaso de la Vega wrote: “It is said thatthe creator installed in the heavens a maiden, aroyal daughter, who holds a jug full of water sothat she may pour it whenever the Earth needs it;one of her brothers sometimes shatters the jug,and this blow produces lightning and thunder. It issaid that this deed is performed by a man since it ismore fitting for violent males and not tenderwomen. They say that the maiden sends hail, rainand snow because such doings are more delicate,milder and useful”26. Hence the presence ofwomen playing drums in assorted agrarian cere-

monies mentioned in the chronicles, as well as theuse of the drum in particular situations whichmust be enacted in the fields whenever an excep-tional circumstance demands it. A pertinent exam-ple is given by Felipe Guaman Poma de Ayala, oneof whose illustrations shows a woman standing onthe edge of a maize field and playing a drum (Fig.1)27. This is not a mere bucolic scene: the woman isa night watchman, and the field, which she isguarding is seriously threatened. The night is dark(the moon is in the last quarter) and the sky is cov-ered with ominous clouds predicting heavy rain-fall. In February28 the ripening maize no longerneeds rain, but sunshine and warmth. The unripebut already well-grown cobs are a tasty morsel forassorted thieves – wild animals and birds. In orderto protect the future crops and, as a consequence,to prevent the threat of famine, the woman beatsthe drum to frighten the scoundrels lurking amongthe plants as well as the clouds hovering over thefield.

Returning to the main motif of reflections onmale players it is worth stressing that the pre-Spanish instrumentarium included, apart from theafore-mentioned drums and a rather differentiatedgroup of idiophones, an extremely varied gamut ofwind instruments. Mentioned in historical docu-ments, they appear in contexts indicating that theywere played only by men. Amassed and analysed

18 Cobo 1964, 212. According to Betanzos, these were“drums of gold” (Betanzos 1987, I, cap. XIV, 68).

19 Cobo 1964, 221.20 Poma de Ayala 1980 fol. 308. Garcilaso de la Vega de-

scribed the practises of the Huanca Indians: “They werebellicose, and skinned their war captives (...), made drumsof out the skins, saying that the enemy becomes terrified atthe sight of their own and flees when they hear them”(Garcilaso de la Vega 1985 VI, cap. X).

21 In turn, formulated possibly in accordance with traditionalrules.

22 Murúa 1964, II cap. 22, fol. 247.23 The drums, documented in iconography from the Inca and

early colonial period, are two-membrane instruments. Ifwe were to accept that this legend is of an earlier origin,then we could take into consideration also ceramic drums(which, from the systematic viewpoint, were kettledrums),typical for the Nasca culture and present also in theTiahuanaco-Huari culture. Some of the Nasca drums wereof enormous sizes – up to 1,5 m high. At any rate, from theperspective of their “technical potential” the constructionsof Andean drums fully justify tales of this sort.

24 Molina 1916, 5; Cobo 1964, 151. The irrefutable associationwith Noah’s Ark suggests clearly the culture-creative roleof the drum.

25 Descriptions of burial ceremonies, especially those organ-ised after the death of a high-ranking person, mentiongroups of women who, holding drums, visited thefavourite sites of the deceased or those frequented by him.

26 Garcilaso de la Vega 1985, II cap. XXVII.27 Poma de Ayala 1980 fol. 11099 [1035].28 The month is mentioned in one of the inscriptions to the

illustration made by the chronicler: “febrero paucaru-arayquilla”, as well as in the title given by the author.

Anna Gruszczynska-Ziółkowska256

information indicates that the extra-musical senseof these instruments consisted of enhancing malepower (Figs. 2. 3; see also Both, this volume)29.

Unquestionably, a great function in the perfor-mance of lyrics was fulfilled by flutes. In theircapacity as melodic instruments they offered thepossibility of expressing emotion, as described byGarcilaso de la Vega: “... They possessed fluteswith four and five tones (...); played their songscomposed with a metric verse, whose majoritytold the stories of passionate love, pleasant orunpleasant, and the lady’s favour or disfavour (...).An enamoured suitor playing the flute at nightannounced to his lady and the whole world thepleasure or displeasure of his spirit depending onthe favour or disfavour, which she displayed (...).One could say that he spoke with the flute. Whenin night-time Cuzco a certain Spaniard met anIndian female acquaintance of his, and tried to per-suade her to return to his lodgings, she cried out –Kind sir, let me go on my way. You must knowthat the flute which you hear played on thathillock calls to me tenderly and passionately, com-pelling me to go there; for the love of God, leaveme alone for I must make my way there, drawn bylove, so that I may become his wife and he – myhusband”30.

In the majority of instances, however, flutesand drums were mentioned by chroniclersdescribing battle scenes. It is worth underliningthat men were called to arms and waged battles notonly against human enemies. Warlike processionswere organised in situations, which could pose aspecial threat to the very existence of mankind,and were caused by exceptional atmospheric orastronomical calamities such as hail, ground frost,violent storms, and the eclipse of the Sun or themoon. Such processions were held also upon theoccasions of pestilence, when men outfitted withweapons and musical instruments were entrustednot only with protecting their people against theperil, but also with preventing it by killing theenemy. For the sake of precision, let us mentionthat in such circumstances use was made of all themusical instruments, and although the clamourwas produced by men, women and children alike,the instruments were wielded only by the former.“Seeing how the moon grows darker during aneclipse they would say that it is ailing, and thatonce it turns totally black it will perish and fallfrom the sky, crushing and killing everyone andputting an end to the world; urged by this fear,they would blow the trumpets, horns and conches,and play the drums and the kettledrums as well asall the instruments in their possession so as tomake noise”31. Other sources claim that it wasbelieved that at such moments a lion or a snakeentwines itself around the moon with the intention

of abducting it and tearing it apart: “Young menreadied themselves for war by playing trumpetsand drums and uttering loud cries; they hurledarrows and poles towards the moon and madesweeping gestures with their lances as if they werewounding a lion and a snake”32.

In wartime, the presence of such instruments asthe flute and especially the trumpet fortified thebattle spirit of one’s own men, on the one hand,and weakened the adversary, on the other hand33.The significance of the battle factor is indicated byinconography from the colonial period. The strug-gle waged by the Spaniards (led by Santiago)against the armed Inca forces was a frequent motifof kero decorations. Even if such scenes weredepicted in a rather conventional and schematicmanner, they contain detailed portrayals of the fig-ure of the Inca trumpet player.

Some chroniclers personally experienced thestrong impact of the music, which accompaniedarmed clashes. Pedro Pizarro, who together with asmall group of Spaniards defended Cuzco besiegedby the Indians, recalled: “The uproar and criesmade by them, and the sound of the trumpetswhich they played were so overwhelming that itseemed as if the Earth itself trembled”34. Quitepossibly, the soldier-author was inclined to makethis comparison to an earthquake as a result of thedeafening noise35. On the other hand, we cannotexclude the possibility that the trumpets used atthe time had such a low pitch that the extremelylow frequencies brought to mind the exceedinglyunpleasant weak earth tremors that are a frequentoccurrence in the Andes, and are preceded by acharacteristic “howl”; upon such occasions, thehuman body receives vibrations with infrasoundfrequencies which, in a certain sense, may be also“heard” internally.

Similar associations could be the basis of yetanother legend recounted by the chroniclers, por-traying the powerful sound of the trumpet. Dur-ing a lengthy spell of rain, a colourfully dressedand immensely tall man holding a trumpet in onehand and a staff in the other, appeared in the envi-rons of Cuzco. Pachacutec asked the visitor not to

29 Cf. Gruszczynska-Ziółkowska 1995.30 Garcilaso de la Vega 1985, II cap. XXVI.31 Garcilaso de la Vega 1985, II cap. XXIII.32 Cobo 1964, 158.33 An analysis of numerous descriptions of battles in the

chronicles indicates three distinct moments of music-mak-ing, probably with a different emotional expression andassociated with three stages of the battle: preparation, thebattle itself, and victory celebrations.

34 “Heran tan grandes las bozes y alaridos que dauan y bozi-nas y fotutos que tocaua, que parecía que temblaua la tiera”(Pizarro 1986 cap. XIX fol. 75).

35 “Era tanta la gritería que auía, que todos estauamos comoatónicos” (Pizarro 1986 cap. XIX fol. 73 bis).

Masculine Musical Instruments in the Andean Tradition 257

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BETANZOS, J. D. DE 1987 [Ms. 17th century]Suma y narración de los Incas. Transcripción,notas y prólogo por María del Carmen MartinRubio. Madrid.

BLACKNING, J. 1988Ethnomusicology and Prehistoric Music-Mak-ing. in: E. Hickmann/D. Hughes (eds.), EarlyMusic Cultures. Bonn, 329–335.

BOLAÑOS, C. 1985La música en el antiguo Perú. La música en elPerú. Patronato Popular y Porvenir Pro Músi-ca Clásica. Lima, 1–64.

COBO, B. 1964 [MS. 1653]Historia del Nuevo Mundo. Biblioteca deAutores Españoles vol. 92. Madrid.

FLORES OCHOA, J. A./KUON ARCE, E./SAMANEZ

ARGUMEDO, R. 1998Qeros. Arte Inka en vasos ceremoniales. Colec-ción arte y tesoros del Perú. Lima.

GARCILASO DE LA VEGA, I. 1985 [MS. 1609]Comentarios Reales de los Incas. Ed. al cuida-do de César Pacheco Vélez. Biblioteca Clasicosdel Perú. Lima.

GRUSZCZYNSKA-ZIÓŁKOWSKA, A. 1995El poder del sonido. El papel de las crónicasespañolas en la etnomusicología andina. Bib-lioteca Abya-Yala vol. 24. Quito.

D’HARCOURT, R. 1935Gestes rituels de fécondation dans l’ancienPérou. Journal de la Société des Américanistes,vol. XXVII, Nouvelle Série. Paris, 25–33.

HICKMANN, E. 2000A brief approach towards Music Archaeology.Teknisk vitenskapelig dokumentasjonssenterfor musikkinstrumenter, INFO 1/94. Moss.

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OLSEN, D. A. 1988The magic flutes of El Dorado: a model forresearch in music archaeology as applied to theSinú of ancient Colombia, in: E. Hickmann/D. Hughes (eds.), Early Music Cultures. Bonn,305–328.

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play the trumpet “because the Indians feared thatthe Earth would turn upside down”36. In turn,Cobo recorded a legend describing how the hugestones that comprise the core of the temple of theSun in Tiahuanaco were “brought by air on thesound of a trumpet played by a single man”37.

Therefore, wind instruments contain in theirvoices, a symbolic great force. Force of masculine

vital strength, aggression and capability ofdestruction. This vision, based on the historicalsources, make an interesting perspective for inter-pretations of the iconography of archaeologicalcultures. Respecting the Andean folklore, thisprocedure is legitimized by the fact of permanentcommitment of wind instruments only to males(Fig. 4).

36 Murúa 1964 II cap. 86 fol. 182v.37 Cobo 1964, 197.|

Anna Gruszczynska-Ziółkowska258

Masculine Musical Instruments in the Andean Tradition 259

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