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The typology of demonstratives clarified:
Verbal demonstratives in Juǀ’hoan
Florian Lionnet
UC Berkeley
ALT 10, Leipzig, 15-18 August 2013
Introduction
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Introduction This presentation shows:
� 1) that exophoric demonstratives can be encoded as verbs, ◦ Evidence from Juǀ’hoan (Ju, aka Northern
Khoisan)
� 2) that, despite being rare, such verbal demonstratives are typologically expected
� 3) where such verbal demonstratives belong in an updated typology of demonstratives
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Introduction � Exophoric demonstratives: ◦ discourse-external reference, i.e. the word(s)
used to translate ‘this/that book’ etc. ◦ à not discourse internal (endo-/ana-/
cataphoric), manner deixis ‘thus’ etc.
� Juǀ’hoan ◦ Southeastern dialect of Ju (Kx’a), Namibia/
Botswana ◦ (Demonstratives in other Ju lects have different
properties)
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Introduction
1. Recent typological literature
2. Verbal demonstratives in Juǀ’hoan
3. An unusual but typologically expected category
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1. Recent typologies of demonstrative
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1. Recent typologies of demonstratives
� Diessel (1999)
� Dixon (2003)
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1. Recent typologies of demonstratives � Diessel’s (1999) typology of demonstratives:
Distribution Canonical Category
Pronominal demonstrative (argument in a clause) Demonstrative pronoun
Adnominal demonstrative (noun-modifier in an NP) Demonstrative determiner
Adverbial demonstrative (verb-modifier in a clause)
Demonstrative adverb (locative adverbs here, there etc.)
Identificational demonstrative (dem. in a copular or non-verbal clause) Demonstrative “identifier”
e.g. ‘This is your book’ e.g. C’est ton livre.
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1. Recent typologies of demonstratives � Diessel’s (1999) typology of demonstratives:
< “predicative demonstrative” (Diessel 1997a,b)
Distribution Canonical Category
Pronominal demonstrative (argument in a clause) Demonstrative pronoun
Adnominal demonstrative (noun-modifier in an NP) Demonstrative determiner
Adverbial demonstrative (verb-modifier in a clause)
Demonstrative adverb (locative adverbs here, there etc.)
Identificational demonstrative (dem. in a copular or non-verbal clause) Demonstrative “identifier”
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1. Recent typologies of demonstratives � Diessel’s (1999) typology of demonstratives:
NB: demonstrative identifiers are NOT verbs à There are no verbal demonstratives in Diessel’s typology
Distribution Canonical Category
Pronominal demonstrative (argument in a clause)
Demonstrative pronoun
Adnominal demonstrative (noun-modifier in an NP)
Demonstrative determiner
Adverbial demonstrative (verb-modifier in a clause)
Demonstrative adverb (locative adverbs here, there etc.)
Identificational demonstrative (dem. in a copular or non-verbal clause)
Demonstrative “identifier”
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1. Recent typologies of demonstratives
Dixon’s (2003) typology of demonstratives:
� Nominal demonstratives ◦ Pronominal (this is good) ◦ Adnominal (this book is good)
� Adverbial demonstratives ◦ Locative adverbs (here, there)
� Verbal demonstratives
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1. Recent typologies of demonstratives Dixon’s (2003) verbal demonstratives: � Extremely rare: only 3 languages in his
typology
� Two different types: ◦ ‘do thus/like this’: Boumaa Fijian, Dyirbal ◦ ‘be here/this’, ‘be there/that’: Juǀ’hoan (Ju)
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1. Recent typologies of demonstratives ‘Do thus/like this’: (1) Boumaa Fijian (Dixon 2003:72)
(2) Dyirbal (Dixon 2003:102)
[o ‘ae]S [‘eneii tuu gaa ‘eneii]PREDICATE ART 3SG do.like.this ASP just do.like.this
‘He did just like this.’ [narrator mimes a spearing action]
balaO baja! najaA [yalama-n baja-n]PREDICATE there:M chew:1MP 1SG do.like.this-NON.FUT chew-NON.FUT
‘Chew it [the spear grass]! I’m chewing (it) like this.’
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1. Recent typologies of demonstratives (3) ‘be here/this’, ‘be there/that’: Juǀ’hoan (Ju) (Dickens 2005:49)
a. ju hè
person be.here/this ‘This is a person.’
b. nǃȍh tȍ’a
orange be.there/that ‘That is an orange.’
CLAIM: only Juǀ’hoan has verbal exophoric demonstratives
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2. Demonstratives in Juǀ’hoan
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2. Juǀ’hoan � Sources: ◦ Snyman (1970) ◦ Dickens (1991, 2005) ◦ Biesele (2009)
� Strictly SVO
� Two demonstratives, analyzed as verbs: (Dickens 1991b, 2005) ◦ PROX: hè (classes 1, 2, 3) ‘be here, be this’ ke (class 4)
◦ DIST: tȍ’a ‘be there, be that’
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2. Juǀ’hoan � Verb- and noun-identi"cation tests:
Syntactic context
Test If yes:
Predication
PRED Can the lexical item be a predicate on its own? (or does it need copular/verbal support?)
Verbal
TAM Is the lexical item compatible with TAM markers?
Verbal
NEG Can the lexical item be directly negated by the verbal negation ǀóa ?
Verbal
ARG Can the lexical item be an argument of a verb?
Nominal
Noun- modi#cation
DIRECT Is the lexical item directly adjacent to the NP it modi$es, either before (PreNP) or after (PostNP)?
Nominal
RC Does the lexical item have to be used as the predicate of a relative clause when modifying a noun?
Verbal
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2. Juǀ’hoan PRED + TAM + NEG: demonstratives are verbs (4) … mi ku ǀoa he ka ge
1SG IPFV NEG PROX.1/3 and be.alive
‘(If it had been only you) I wouldn’t be here alive.’ (5) jù hè
person PROX.1/3 ‘This is a person.’
(6) mi nǀee ti e (Lloyd’s !Xuun)
1SG head IPFV PROX ‘This is my head’
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2. Juǀ’hoan Demonstratives may not be arguments: (7) a. ha ku ǁohm !aìhn b. *ha ku ǁohm ke/hè
he IPFV chop tree he IPFV chop PROX
‘He was chopping a tree.’ Int: He was chopping this. (8) a. úto g!ààn b. *ke/hè g!ààn
car be.red PROX be.red
‘The car is red.’ Int: This is red. (9) a. n!hai ó jòmma b. *hè/ke ó jòmma
person COP predator PROX COP predator ‘The lion is a predator.’ Int: This is a predator.
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2. Juǀ’hoan Noun-modi%cation: relative clause (10) ju hè cf. !xó ú
person.1 PROX1/3 elephant go *this person ‘The elephant goes.’ ‘This is a person.’
(11) ju=à hè cf. !xó=à ú person=REL PROX1/3 elephant=REL go ‘this person’ ‘the elephant thatgoes’
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2. Juǀ’hoan � Verb- and noun-identi"cation tests applied to Juǀ’hoan:
Predication Noun- modi#cation
PRED TAM NEG ARG DIRECT RC Verbal Verbs
e.g. ű ‘go’, ǃhún ‘kill’ ü ü ü x x ü
Verbal “adjectives” e.g. gǂa ’ín ‘be long’ ü ü ü x x ü
Demonstratives hè/ke , tȍ’a ü ü ü x x ü
nè ‘(be) which’ ü ü ü x x ü Nominal Nouns
e.g. nǃhȁi ‘lion’ x x x ü ü x
Nominal “adjectives” (rare: < 20) e.g. ǀ’hȍàn ‘real’
x x x x ü x
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2. Juǀ’hoan: Summary
Syntactic function
Category Example
Predicate Verb …mi ku ǀoa hè 1SG IPFV NEG PROX:1/3 ‘I would not be here.’
Identi$cational statement
Verb ju hè person PROX:1/3 ‘This is a person.’
Noun modi$er
Verb (in relative clause)
ju=à hè person=REL PROX:1/3 ‘this person’
Argument Verb (in relative clause)
gu [tci =à ke]OBJ take thing=REL PROX:4 ‘Take this (thing). ’
Adjunct 1) Verb (in relative clause) 2) Adverb?
ko=à ke / ko=à tȍ’a LOC=REL PROX:4 LOC=REL DIST ‘here’ ‘there’
kòko (no example in sources)
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2. Juǀ’hoan Conclusion: verbal demonstratives are the only demonstratives in Juǀ’hoan: � No demonstrative pronouns � No demonstrative adnouns (determiners, adjectives
etc.) � One demonstrative adverb: kòko ‘here’ (in
Dickens’ (1994) dictionary) ◦ but rare? no example found in any of the sources
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3. A rare but expected category
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3. Rare… � Only one language in Dixon’s (2003) typology: Juǀ’hoan
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Exophoric demonstratives Action verbs expressing manner
deixis Adverb (Pro/ad-)
noun Verb
Boumaa Fijian
yai (PROX) yaa (MID) mayaa (DIST)
n/a ‘eneii ‘do like this’
Dyirbal
yalay (PROX) balay (DIST) ŋalay (remembered)
giyi n/a
yalama- ‘do like this’ wiyama- ‘do what, how’
Juǀ’hoan n/a n/a hè/ke (PROX) tȍ’a (DIST)
òo ‘do like this’ nàùn~nìn ‘do how’
3. … but expected � Typology of intransitive predication (Stassen 1997):
Juǀ’hoan demonstrative verbs = locational predication mi ku ǀoa he 1SG IPFV NEG be.here
‘I wouldn’t be here.’ 48
Predicate type (semantics)
Typical Strategy (syntactic encoding)
Typical word class
English ex.
Event Verbal strategy Verb John walks
Property (strategy “takeover”: mostly verbal or nominal)
Adjective John is tall (nominal strategy)
Class Nominal strategy (copula)
Noun John is a carpenter
Locational Locational strategy (posture verb as support verb)
Adverb/PP John is in the kitchen/here
3. … but expected
� Strategy “takeover” (Stassen 1997):
◦ E.g. In English, predicate adjectives are taken over by the nominal strategy (same copula be)
� Constrained by principles, presented in scalar form:
◦ nominalization scale, verbalization scale, locational scale etc.
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3. … but expected � Second verbalization scale (Stassen 1997):
Rare: 31 out of 410 languages in Stassen’s sample have “verbalized” locational predicates
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Verbs (events)
> Adjectives (properties)
> Locationals
Verbs (events)
> Adjectives (properties)
> Locationals
Verbs (events)
> Adjectives (properties)
> Locationals
3. … but expected � Second verbalization scale (Stassen 1997):
à Prediction: if locationals can be verbs in a language, adjectives must be verbal as well
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Verbs (events)
> Adjectives (properties)
> Locationals
Verbs (events)
> Adjectives (properties)
> Locationals
Verbs (events)
> Adjectives (properties)
> Locationals
Verbs (events)
> Adjectives (properties)
> Locationals
3. … but expected
� The prediction is borne out in Juǀ’hoan: Adjectives/“property roots” (Haspelmath 2012) (12) Verbal (almost all)
ju gǀȁȍh / ju=à gǀȁȍh person be.strong person=REL be.strong ‘The person is strong.’ ‘a strong person’
(13) Nominal (<20)
tju=à ke ó ka ze / tju ze house=REL PROX:4 COP PRO:4 new house new ‘This house is new.’ (lit. is a new one) ‘a new house’
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Conclusion
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Conclusion Proposed modi"ed typology of exophoric demonstratives:
Semantic/ Syntactic function
Canonical word class
1. Argument (Pro)noun 2. Noun modi$er Adnoun (determiner, adj. etc.)
3. Adjunct Adverb
4. Predicate - Adverb Stassen’s (1997) locational strategy - Verb through verbal takeover of
locational predicate ‘(be) here/there’
5. Identi$cational statement
- (Pro)noun - “Demonstrative identi$er” (Diessel 1999)
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Conclusion Proposed modi"ed typology of exophoric
demonstratives:
Diessel (1999)
Semantic/ Syntactic function
Canonical word class Dixon (2003)
Pronominal 1. Argument (Pro)noun Nominal
Adnominal 2. Noun modi$er Adnoun (determiner, adj. etc.) Nominal
Adverbial 3. Adjunct Adverb Adverbial
4. Predicate - Adverb Stassen’s (1997) locational strategy - Verb through verbal takeover of
locational predicate ‘(be) here/there’
Adverbial Verbal
Identi$ca- tional
5. Identi$cational statement
- (Pro)noun - “Demonstrative identi$er” (Diessel 1999)
Nominal
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THANK YOU!
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References � Biesele, M. (ed.), 2009. Ju|'hoan Folktales: Transcriptions and English Translations - A Literacy
Primer by and for Youth and Adults of the Ju|'hoan Community. Vancouver: Trafford First Voices.
� Dickens, Patrick J. 1991. Relative Clauses in Ju|’hoan, in W.H.G.Haacke & E.D.Elderkin (eds.) Namibian Languages : Reports and Papers, Namibian African Studies vol.4, Cologne, Rüdiger Köppe, pp:107-116.
� Dickens, Patrick J. 1994. English – Juǀ'hoan / Juǀ'hoan – English Dictionary, Quellen zur Khoisan-Forschung vol.8, Cologne, Rüdiger Köppe.
� Dickens, Patrick J. 2005. A Concise Grammar of Ju|’hoan, Quellen zur Khoisan-Forschung vol.17, Cologne, Rüdiger Köppe
� Diessel, Holger.1997a. Predicative demonstratives. Proceedings of the Twenty-Third Annual Meeting of the Berkeley Linguistics Society: General Session and Parasession on Pragmatics and Grammatical Structure, pp. 72-82.
� Diessel, Holger. 1997b. The diachronic reanalysis of demonstratives in cross-linguistic perspective. Chicago Linguistics Society 33: 83-98.
� Diessel, Holger. 1999. Demonstratives: form, function and grammaticalization. Amsterdam, Philadelphia: John Benjamins
� Dixon, Robert. 2003. Demonstratives: a cross-linguistic typology. Studies in Language 27(1):61-112.
� Snyman, Jan W. 1970. An Introduction to the !Xũ (!Kung) Language. Cape Town: Balkema.
� Stassen, Leon. 1997. Intransitive Predication. Oxford: Calendron Press
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