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inhaltsverzeichnis

frühe Keramik im ostseeraum – datierung und sozialer Kontext. internationaler Workshop in schleswig vom 20. bis 21. oktober 2006 herausgegeben von sönke hartz, friedrich lüth and thomas terberger . . . . . . 7

bericht über die tätigkeit der Römisch-Germanischen Kommission in der Zeit vom 1. Januar bis 31. dezember 2008von friedrich lüth und susanne sievers . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 501

hinweise für Publikationen der Römisch-Germanischen Kommission . . . . . . . 569

44

table of contents

early Pottery in the baltic – dating, origin and social context.international Workshop at schleswig from 20th to 21st october 2006 edited by sönke hartz, friedrich lüth and thomas terberger . . . . . . . . . . 7

Report of the activities of the Römisch-Germanische Kommission in the period from 1st January to 31st december 2008by friedrich lüth and susanne sievers . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 501

Guidelines for Publications of the Römisch-Germanische Kommission . . . . . . . 569

55

table des matières

céramique précoce en région baltique – datation et contexte social. atelier international de schleswig du 20 au 21 octobre 2006sous la direction de sönke hartz, friedrich lüth et thomas terberger . . . . . . . 7

Rapport sur les activités de la Römisch-Germanische Kommission du 1er janvier au 31 décembre 2008Par friedrich lüth et susanne sievers . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 501

Recommandations aux auteurs publiant à la Römisch-Germanische Kommission . . . 569

66

77

early Pottery in the baltic – dating, origin and social context

international Workshop at schleswig from 20th to 21st october 2006

Frühe Keramik im Ostseeraum – Datierung und Sozialer Kontext. Internationaler Workshop in Schleswig vom 20. bis 21. Oktober 2006

Céramique précoce en région baltique - Datation et contexte social. Atelier international de Schleswig du 20 au 21 octobre 2006

edited by sönke hartz, friedrich lüth and thomas terberger

inhaltsverzeichnis

Pottery use among late foragers and early farmers in the baltic: new molecular and isotopic investigationsKeramikgebrauch zwischen Wildbeutern und frühen Bauern im Ostseeraum. Neue Molekular- und IsotopenforschungenL’utilisation de la céramique par les chasseurs-cueilleurs et les premiers paysans en région balte. Nouvelles recherches moléculaires et isotopiquesby carl heron and oliver e. craig . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 11

Zur pollenanalytischen datierung archäologischer funde in ufernahen sedimenten – zwei beispiele zur Keramik der frühen trichterbecher-Kultur aus ostholsteinOn the pollen-based dating of archaeological finds in sediments near shores – two exam-ples on the pottery of the early Funnel Beaker culture in East HolsteinConcernant la datation palynologique d’objets archéologiques issus de sédiments proches du rivage – deux exemples pour la céramique du début de la culture des Gobelets en en-tonnoir dans l’Ostholsteinvon Jutta meurers-balke und arie J. Kalis . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 27

noneK – ein aufnahmesystem für steinzeitliche Keramik nordmitteleuropasNoNeK – A system for recording Stone Age pottery in northern central EuropeNoNeK – Un système d’enregistrement pour la céramique néolithique du nord de l’Europe centralevon doris mischka . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 47

88

early pottery in afroeurasia – origins and possible routes of dispersalFrühe Keramik in Afroeurasien – Ursprung und mögliche VerbreitungswegeCéramique précoce en Afro-Eurasie – Origine et voies de diffusion possiblesby detlef Gronenborn . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 59

ertebølle pottery in southern sweden – a question of handicraft, networks, and creolisa-tion in a period of neolithisationErtebølle-Keramik im südlichen Schweden – Eine Frage von Handwerk, Netzwerken und der „creolisation“ im NeolithikumLa céramique de l’Ertebølle en Suède méridionale – une question d’artisanat, de réseaux et de métissage dans la phase de néolithisationby Kristina Jennbert . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 89

the early ‘trichterbecher’ of mälardalen, eastern central swedenDie frühen „Trichterbecher“ aus Mälardalen im östlichen ZentralschwedenLes « Trichterbecher » précoces du Mälardalen, dans l’est de la Suède centraleby fredrik hallgren . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 111

the early neolithic volling site of Kildevang – its chronology and intra-spatial organi-sationDer frühneolithische Volling-Fundplatz von Kildevang – seine Chronologie und innere räumliche GliederungLe site Volling du Néolithique précoce à Kildevang – sa chronologie et son organisation spatialeby mads Ravn . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 135

early pottery in northern fennoscandiaFrühe Keramik im nördlichen FennoskandinavienCéramique précoce en Fennoscandie septentrionaleby marianne skandfer . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 165

the adoption of pottery in mesolithic finland – sources of impulses, when and why?Die Übernahme der Keramik im Mesolithikum Finnlands – Ursprungsgebiet, Zeitpunkt und UrsachenL’adoption de la poterie dans le Mésolithique finlandais – origines des influences, quand et pourquoi?by heikki matiskainen . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 181

Kitchen middens and the early pottery of denmarkKøkkenmøddinger und die frühe Keramik in DänemarkLes déchets de cuisine et la céramique précoce du Danemarkby søren h. andersen . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 193

hundred and fifty years of ertebølle ceramics in the western balticEinhundertfünfzig Jahre Forschungen zur Ertebølle-Keramik im westlichen OstseeraumCent cinquante ans de recherches sur la céramique Ertebølle dans la région baltique occidentaleby erik brinch Petersen . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 217

99

from pointed bottom to round and flat bottom – tracking early pottery from schleswig-holsteinVom Spitzboden zum Rund- und Flachboden – auf den Spuren früher Keramik aus Schleswig-HolsteinDu fond pointu au fond bombé et plat – Examen de la céramique précoce du Schleswig-Holsteinby sönke hartz . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 241

neustadt la 156: a submarine site from the late mesolithic-ertebølle and earliest neo-lithic-funnel beaker in northern Germany – first results of the typological and techno-logical analysis of the ceramicsNeustadt LA 156: Ein submariner Fundplatz der spätmesolithischen Ertebølle- und der frühesten Trichterbecher-Kultur im nördlichen Deutschland – Erste Ergebnisse der ty-pologischen und technologischen KeramikanalyseNeustadt LA 156: Un site sous-marin de l’Ertebølle mésolithique tardif et du début de la culture des Gobelets en entonnoir en Allemagne du Nord – Premiers résultats de l’analyse typologique et technologique de la céramiqueby aikaterini Glykou . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 277

early pottery in the north – a southern perspectiveDie früheste Keramik im Norden – eine südliche PerspektiveLa plus ancienne céramique dans le Nord – une perspective méridionaleby Johannes müller . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 287

the earliest pottery east of the baltic seaDie früheste Keramik im östlichen OstseeraumLa plus ancienne céramique dans la région balte orientaleby henny Piezonka . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 301

linear Pottery farmers and the introduction of pottery in the southern balticLinienbandkeramische Bauern und die Einführung der Keramik im südlichen Ost see-raumLes paysans rubanés et l’introduction de la céramique dans la région balte méridionaleby lech czerniak and Joanna Pyzel . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 347

Pots and pikes at dąbki 9, Koszalin district (Poland) – the early pottery on the Pomera-nian coastTöpfe und Hechte in Dąbki 9, Woj. Koszalin (Polen) – Die frühe Keramik an der Pom-merschen KüstePots et brochet à Dąbki 9, Woj. Koszalin (Pologne) – La céramique précoce de la côte poméranienneby Jacek Kabaciński and thomas terberger . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 361

early pottery from the coastal site Rzucewo, Gulf of Gdańsk (Poland)Die Frühe Keramik des Küstenfundplatzes von Rzucewo, Danziger Bucht (Polen)La céramique précoce du site côtier de Rzucewo, baie de Gdańsk (Pologne)by Jacek Kabaciński, danuta Król and thomas terberger . . . . . . . . . . . . . 393

1010

a dialogue across the baltic on narva and ertebølle potteryEin Dialog über die Ostsee zur Narva- und Ertebølle-KeramikDialogue à travers la Baltique sur la céramique de Narva et d’Ertebølleby baiba dumpe, valdis bērziņš and ole stilborg . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 409

the earliest pottery in the western part of the north German Plain and its inspirationsDie früheste Keramik im westlichen Teil des norddeutschen Flachlandes und ihre Vor-bilderLa plus ancienne céramique et ses modèles dans les basses plaines occidentales de l’Allemagne du Nordby leendert P. louwe Kooijmans . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 443

swifterbant pottery in the scheldt basin and the emergence of the earliest indigenous pottery in the sandy lowlands of belgiumSwifterbant-Keramik in der Schelde-Niederung und die Entstehung der frühesten indi-genen Keramik im Flachland BelgiensLa céramique Swifterbant du bassin de l’Escaut et la naissance de la première céramique indigène en basse Belgiqueby Philippe crombé, mathieu boudin and mark van strydonck . . . . . . . . . . 465

early swifterbant pottery (5000 – 4600 cal bc): Research history, age, characteristics and the introduction of potteryFrühe Swifterbant-Keramik (5000 – 4600 v. Chr.): Forschungsgeschichte, Alter, Charak-teristik und die Einführung der KeramikLa céramique Swifterbant précoce (5000 – 4600 av. J.-C.): histoire de la recherche, âge, caractéristiques et introduction de la céramiqueby daan c. m. Raemaekers . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 485

59Detlef Gronenborn · Early pottery in Afroeurasia

1 Hall 1990; Barnard 1992; Fauvelle-Aymar 2002; Mitchell 2002.

2 E. g. Daniell 1820. 3 Sadr / Sampson 2006.

4 Richards et al. 2004; Gronenborn 2004. 5 Huffmann 1989. 6 Fauvelle-Aymar 2002.

Early pottery in Afroeurasia – Origins and possible routes of dispersal

By Detlef Gronenborn

Dedicated to the memory of Vladimir Ivanovich Timofeev

Schlagwörter: Afrika – Europa – Asien – Mesolithikum – Neolithikum – Keramikgefäße – Kulturentwicklung – Linearbandkeramik

Keywords: Africa – Europe – Asia – Mesolithic – Neolithic – ceramic vessels – development of culture – Linear Pottery culture

Mots-clés: Afrique – Europe – Asie – Mésolithique – Néolithique – vases en céramique – développement de culture – céramique linéaire du Rubané

Introduction

Methodologically and theoretically the approach presented in the following is influenced by work on the spread of Iron technology and farming into South Africa: After AD 1 South Af-rica witnesses a technological and sociocultural shift from hunter-gatherers to a combination of hunters, pastoralists, and farmers (agro-pastoralists) who all co-existed until the advent of Europeans at the end of the 15th century AD. This very circumstance brought one advantage for those working in South Africa: the complex interaction between these different economies is documented historically – by written1 and graphical sources2.

While southern Africa is currently also under discussion as a possible centre of pottery invention3 it is furthermore of particular interest for the research historian as some aspects of archaeological theorising have persisted continuously, aspects which had disappeared in Eu-rope, namely the concept of migrations connected to grand scale historical trajectories: human groups moved with their technology over long periods and long distances4. These trajectories were baptised “streams”5 in southern African archaeology: Figure 1 shows the Bantu expan-sion “streams” and the migrations of pastoralists (historically appearing as the Khoekhoe6).

Following the southern African methodology it seemed appealing to classify the current pottery spectrum in western Eurasia equally into three streams which are understood to have

60 Early Pottery in the Baltic – Dating, Origin and Social Context

7 Clark 1977, 156. 8 Barnard 1992, 157; Mountain 2003, 50.

Fig. 1. Bantu and Khoekhoe expansion in southern Africa (after Huffman 1989).

served as cultural veins for technological innovation: farming, pastoralism and pottery, all of which compose what we call the process of neolithisation (Fig. 2).

The application of possible analogies from southern Africa is not new in northern Euro-pean archaeology, as G. Clark – referring to Ertebølle pottery – stated in his 1936 classic “… it is hard to think that pottery was invented separately and independently by the strand-loopers of the Litorina coast”7. This term is clearly borrowed from Afrikaans where it refers to a par-ticular group of Cape Town Bay groups8 which, at the arrival of the Dutch settlers, had carved out a living through harvesting shells and hunting small game. Possibly, this group had lost its herds and had reverted back to a simple opportunistic forager strategy. Within the socioeco-nomic ranking of indigenous South African ethnic groups they scored lowest and soon disap-peared as slaves and bondsmen in the European-African community of early Cape Town. But in the literature, they survived as the most impoverished group of the region. As methodologi-


9 Childe 1927; Id. 1950. 10 The concept of “pottery traditions” evolved in North

American theoretical archaeology during the mid-twentieth century and has been defined by Willey (1945, 53): “A pottery tradition comprises a line, or a number of lines, of pottery development through time within the confines of a certain technique or dec-orative constant. In successive time periods through which the history of ceramic development can be traced, certain styles arose within the tradition.”

11 Smolla 1960, 30. 12 Danilenko 1969.

13 Timofeev 1998. 14 Timofeev / Zaitseva 1999. 15 Jeunesse 1987; Id. 1998; Lüning et al. 1989. 16 Jeunesse 2000. 17 Modderman 1974. 18 Jeunesse 1994, 15 f.; Brounen 1999; Amkreutz in

press. 19 van Berg 1997. 20 Garfinkel 1999; Aurenche / Kozlowski 1999, 97 f.;

Perlès 2001; Lichter 2005. 21 Rice 1999, 37 ff.

cally and theoretically problematic as Clark’s equation may be from a modern perspective, his conclusion about the technological incentive of the inhabitants of the Litorina coast might still be very valid. Hence, it may indeed be rewarding to test the validity of the concept of a distant origin of the various pottery horizons in Early Neolithic Europe on a hemispherical scale.

It appears to have been G. Childe who had firstly discussed possible origins of south-ern Scandinavian early pottery in Spain and the Crimea9. He was followed by Günter Smolla who had suggested finds from the Russian pottery tradition10 of Zedmar as the closest resem-blances11. Behind the Iron curtain long-distance connections of pottery traditions had been proposed by scholars such as V. Danilenko who saw resemblances between Ukrainian and Baltic wares12. V. Timofeev returned to these ideas and developed them further: pottery spread from Ukraine and southeastern Russia to the Baltic coast13. But Timofeev / Zaitseva also sug-gested an independent emergence of pottery in the southeastern Russian steppe zones because the Elshan tradition in the Samara Valley appeared to be earlier than surrounding traditions in western Central Asia14.

In the West another non-traditionally Neolithic, i. e. non-Danubian, tradition has emerged in the 1980s: La Hoguette15. In this case it has been argued convincingly that the origins lie in southern France and the western Mediterranean Early Neolithic16. This western “stream” is furthermore composed of other pottery traditions which had been distinguished from the Linear Pottery culture (Germ. Linienbandkeramik – LBK), namely Limburg ware17 and the so-called ‘Accompanying Ceramics’ (Germ. Begleitkeramik)18.

Hence, Central Europe becomes the focal point of three different cultural streams which together form what we coarsely term ‘neolithisation’ (Fig. 2). Later van Berg broadened the perspective and contrasted the pottery traditions of Euroasian hunter-gatherers, horticultural-ists and pastoralists with those of the Neolithic farmers19. He used the term “subnéolithique” and set them apart from the “Neolithique céréalier”, the Danubian traditions of southern Cen-tral Europe.

Regions of origin

While currently we begin to have a relatively robust model for the interactions between the three different streams within temperate Europe, the question remains: is there something be-yond these suggested regions of origin? For the Danubian the picture appears to be relatively clear and will not be discussed here. Its source region is the Near Eastern Neolithic and the reader is referred to the newer literature20. Equally left out are Upper Palaeolithic non-con-tainer (animal and human figurines) forms of pottery, Rice’s “software horizon”. Of interest for the question dealt with in this volume, are the possible origins of the sub-Neolithic wares of western Europe, the northern Lowlands and the Baltic21.


22 Ibid, 44ff. 23 Sassaman 1993. 24 Keally et al. 2003. 25 Rice 1999, 21. 26 Hayden 1998; Rice 1999. 27 Haaland 1992, 47 ff.; Id. 2007, 172. 28 Pearson 2005.

29 Keally et al. 2003. 30 Pearson 2005, 820. 31 Willcox 2005. 32 Aurenche / Kozlowski 1999, 97 f. 33 Garcea 2004; Id. 2006. 34 Haaland 2007. 35 Ibid.

Rice discusses a variety of hypotheses on the origins of pottery and concludes that on a world-wide basis no association exists between pottery manufacture and the emergence of farming22. Early pottery containers exist “most commonly in rich, diverse, tropical / subtropical, and riverine / coastal locations among complex (or transegalitarian, storing, accumulating) hunt-er-gatherers.” Indeed, the current picture of container pottery origins seems to support this hy-pothesis largely for Africa – and also the Americas23 – but not for Eurasia (Fig. 2) where pottery had evolved in Late Pleistocene environments before the abrupt warming and cooling events of the Late Glacial24. Also Rice’s postulate that container pottery technology would preferably emerge among semi-sedentary foragers and collectors moving between riparian and interior en-vironments needs to be modified25, as many of the early pottery-using societies in Afroeurasia appear to have been sedentary and lived far inland, for instance in the central Sahara.

Referring to the theoretical apparatus of Hayden, Rice sees the socio-political role of early container pottery as a “prestige technology” where the display effect in serving would have been more important than any cooking and storage function26. Less political arguments have been formulated by Haaland who draws a connection between sedentism, aquatic adaptations, pottery for cooking, and population growth through shorter birth spacing27. According to her study pottery serves as an amplifier of already existing socio-economic trajectories. Similarly Pearson sees no evidence of prestige-related functions of early pottery in South China28. Also, Keally et al. mention simple functions such as cooking and storing for early eastern Asian wares29; moreover the earliest vessels from this region are minimally decorated – if at all. Only with later phases do artful ornaments appear. The origins of pottery thus seem to have been attached to more earthly functions such as improvements in food preparation or technically more effective alternatives to already existing technologies, the classic so-called culinary hy-pothesis30. With time and technological as well as artistic sophistication, however, pottery will certainly have adopted more complex functions within human social and political interaction.

It is by now also quite evident, that there is no immediate correlation between domestica-tion and container pottery. The Near East serves as the best example: while cereals had been domesticated and used on a broader basis as from 8500 cal BC onwards31, ceramic containers, which would have been useful for food preparation, appear only several centuries later32. Con-trary to the Near East, pottery in various regions of Africa appeared centuries, if not millennia, before local domestication33 and the same holds true for Asia and eastern Europe. Neverthe-less, container pottery is still closely connected to the preparation and consumption of food and Haaland has shown how different culinary traditions may have influenced the speed of adoption of pottery34.

However, despite her broad comparative approach Haaland was unable to formulate a robust and explanatory sound theoretical framework which would explain the invention and early use of container pottery and how it became embedded in subsistence technologies and socio-political behaviour35. It seems indeed, that up to today neither theoretical perspective – whether functional or culture materialist in the wider sense – may provide any conclusive solution to the questions around this marked technological breakthrough. Despite these theo-retical uncertainties our rate of information about the Afroeurasian regions of origins for this technology has increased considerably.


36 Rice 1999, 17; Close 1995. 37 Jesse 2003; Mohammed-Ali / Khabir 2003; Huyse-

com et al. 2009.

38 Huysecom et al. 2004; Huysecom et al. 2009, 910 f. 39 Haaland 2007; Huysecom et al. 2009, 911 ff.

Africa

For Africa, Rice, following Close and others, concluded that pottery would have been in-vented “along the southern edge of the Sahara and / or the Middle Nile valley”36. This concept is supported by the most recent data on early pottery in Africa (Fig. 3) 37.

The presently earliest dates were recently produced from the site of Ounjougou in Mali: Huysecom et al. were able to establish a geoarchaeological sequence based on erosion channel deposits. The early Holocene formation (HA 1) is composed of coarse gravel and sand which indicate massive and intensive floods. The archaeological assemblage consists of bifacially worked arrowheads and three ceramic sherds of which one shows a decoration by uniden-tifiable impressions. Following the sequence of 14C-dates for the formations above (HA 2 – 4) HA 1 would date before 9400 cal BC38. Considering the date and the sediments Huysecom et al. argue that pottery was in use at Ounjougou during the Pleistocene-Holocene transition when the West African monsoon front moved northwards and drastically changed the rainfall patterns in the hitherto desiccated environment. With these changes panicoid grasses became widely available to the inhabitants of the region. Ceramic containers were then used to boil these edible grasses.

It is, however, uncertain whether the pottery had been invented in the region or whether it had moved with the environmental changes from the south 39.

The earliest certain dates in the Sahara, albeit with high standard deviations, stem from the open-air and rockshelter site of Tagalagal in the Aïr in Niger, from Adrar Bous 10 equally

Fig. 2. “Streams” of neolithisation in western Eurasia (modified after Bramanti et al. 2009; Gronenborn 2009).


40 Ibid. Tab. 61; 226 f. 41 Roset 1987. 42 Jesse 2003. 43 Kuper / Kröpelin 2006. 44 Cremaschi / Di Lernia 1999; Gasse 2000; deMeno-

cal et al. 2000. 45 Sutton 1974. 46 Garcea 2006.

47 Id. 1998. 48 Kuper / Kröpelin 2006. 49 Garcea 2004; Id. 2006. 50 Smith 2005. 51 Mohammed-Ali / Khabir 2003. 52 Hays 1974; Mohammed-Ali / Khabir 2003; Jesse

2003, 41.

in Niger and Sorouab 2 in the Nile Valley40. Of these sites Tagalagal has produced the earliest measurement. Calibrated dates fall to the second half of the ninth millennium. Tagalagal is an open air site with parts protected by a rockshelter where the charcoal samples were collected41. The pottery is quite diverse with dotted wavy-line decoration and impressions. Forms can be classified as closed bowls with round bottom and small rims (Plate 1). Wavy Line pottery continues to be manufactured in the Sahara and West Africa for several millennia until the 4th millennium when Wavy Line pottery shifts towards the West. The latest appearance of Wavy Line pottery is attested for Senegal for the 1st millennium cal BC42. Wavy Line pottery manu-facturers were hunter-gatherers adapted to a lacustrine environment of the early and Middle Holocene Sahara. Continuous research in the eastern Sahara has shown that humid condi-tions appeared rapidly around 8500 cal BC with a shift in monsoonal patterns43. The hyper-arid environment of the Pleistocene changed to an open savannah with lakes and temporary water-courses. Equally the Central and western Sahara shows an abrupt increase in humid conditions between 12 000 and 8000 cal BC, the transitional period being limited to only a few centuries44. Once Early Holocene humid conditions were established humans moved into the previously hostile environment and formed what has been termed the African “aquatic civili-zation”45 with its peculiar adaptation to lacustrine environments with their high biomass and high-protein food supplies. These conditions favoured sedentism and more complex socio-political structures46. Microlithic industries, grinding implements and bone harpoons show that people practised a hunting-gathering-fishing economy. Under such conditions pottery offers a clear advantage as it permits more effective food preparation as far as digestibility and storing is concerned. Moreover, food which – because of toxins – cannot be eaten raw may be added to the spectrum.

The fact that within the Sahara the earliest manifestations of the new way of life are lim-ited to the Aïr and Ahaggar might indicate that these regions had become inhabitable first, as they had attracted more rainfall than the surrounding regions47; the Nile valley had already served as a refuge area during the hyper-arid periods48.

Just like for the Far Eastern early pottery, notably in the Russian research tradition, the term ‘Neolithic’ has been suggested for these manifestations. However, in recent articles Gar-cea has underlined the difficulties in applying Near Eastern conceptions of historical trajec-tories to North Africa where the ‘Neolithic package’ has never been bundled but rather sed-entism is associated with foraging-fishing economies and an increase in social (and perhaps political) complexity49. Only much later do we see the emergence of a producing subsistence strategy – not farming but pastoralism50. These problems with the western European interpre-tation of the term ‘Neolithic’ have led to a re-acceptance of Hays’ term ‘Khartoum Horizon Style’51 or ‘Keramikum’ with ‘Early Khartoum’ as the designation for the earliest ware52.

While container pottery apparently emerged at a relatively early stage in West Africa, the Saha-ra and the Nile Valley, the new technology appears comparatively late along the Mediterranean coastline. Currently it seems that this technology is not of Saharan origin, rather pottery had spread via the Mediterranean. This becomes particularly clear from the stratigraphy from the


53 Linstädter 2004. 54 Ibid. 138. 55 Ibid. 173. 56 Ibid. 169 ff. 57 Ibid. 133. 58 deMenocal et al. 2000; Foley et al. 2003. 59 Smith 2005. 60 Neumann 2005.

61 Sadr / Sampson 2006, 248. 62 Kuzmin 2006a, 369. 63 Keally et al. 2004. 64 Kuzmin 2006a. 65 Nakamura et al. 2001; Keally et al. 2004; Kudo

2004. 66 Habu 2004.

rockshelter of Hassi Ouenzga in the Moroccan eastern Rif, recently published by Linstädter, where the interplay between Saharan and Mediterranean influences has been recorded53. At Hassi Ouenzga the first potty appears around 5600 cal BC54 and is influenced by the western Mediterranean Cardium horizon but shows a considerable amount of local decoration types. Linstädter interprets the Hassi Ouenzga data as representing a situation where a local hunter-gatherer population has adopted externally introduced pottery technology and also animal husbandry55. The latter were apparently introduced from the more easterly Tanger tradition. Pottery is stylistically related to Portuguese sites which, however, date slightly later56. Never-theless it is fairly well established that early pottery traditions in the Northwest African coastal regions are related to the western Mediterranean. At Hassi Ouenzga Saharan influenced wares appear only around 3500 cal BC57. These should be seen in connection with the rapid shift in the monsoonal patterns and the subsequent rapid desiccation of the Central Sahara after 3500 cal BC58.

Summing up, container pottery emerged in inland West and North Africa independently from other regions in Afroeurasia within sedentary or semi-sedentary forager-fisher com-munities shortly after the onset of post-glacial climatic and environmental conditions and is clearly disconnected to pastoralism59 or farming60 both of which appeared millennia later.

Southern Africa may represent another independent centre for pottery invention but post-dates the North African data by several millennia. A thin-walled plain ware seems to have been produced on the Central Plateau of South Africa a few centuries before the advent of iron-using agro-pastoralists in the sub-continent; in absolute terms this would have been during the last centuries of the first millennium cal BC61.

East Asia, Siberia and the southeastern Russian Steppe zones

Another independent region of early pottery emergence is northeastern continental Asia and Japan. The exact dating of the earliest appearance of container pottery in this region had been a matter of debate: Kuzmin has reviewed the dates available for East Asia and has concluded that the new technology emerged towards the final stages of the last glacial, between 15 300 and 13 000 cal BC62; similar conclusions had previously been formulated by Keally et al.63. Presently it appears that the earliest Asian – but for that matter also Afroeurasian – container pottery emerged independently in three regions: southern China, the lower and middle Amur River Basin in the Russian Far East, and in Japan within societies that were either fully sedentary or semi-sedentary.

Despite generally contemporaneous dates for the earliest appearance of pottery in eastern Asia64, dates in Japan appear to be slightly earlier than on the continent65. Pottery in Japan is generally subsumed under the generic term “Jomon”, meaning cord-decoration. Jomon is an archaeological “culture” which began during the Pleistocene and lasted until the first millen-nium cal BC when it was followed by the Yayoi Period66. The manufacturers of Jomon pot-tery were hunter-gatherers. Rice farming and iron technology was introduced to the Japanese


67 Harunari et al. 2003. 68 Keally et al. 2003; Kudo 2004; Id. 2006. 69 Habu 2004, 31 f.; Keally et al. 2004, 347 f.; Kudo

2004. 70 Keally et al. 2003, 5 ff. 71 Kawagushi 1982. 72 Kitagawa / Yasuda 2004.

73 Keally et al. 2004; Kuzmin 2006a. 74 Chi 2002. 75 Liu et al. 2007. 76 Zhao et al. 2004. 77 Jiang / Liu 2006. 78 Zong et al. 2007. 79 Kuzmin 2006b.

Islands during the Yayoi Period, maybe as early as 700 cal BC67. The earliest pottery on the Japanese archipelago is subdivided into regional sequences, beginning with an Initial or Incipi-ent Jomon and followed by an earliest Jomon phase. The preceding period is termed “Palaeo-lithic”, the difference from Jomon being the absence of ceramic vessels. However, as there is no clear temporal demarcation between these two entities the transition from the Palaeolithic to Incipient Jomon is fluid and takes place between 15 000 and 12 000 cal BC68. Pottery of a plain, undecorated style makes its appearance between 14 800 and 13 750 cal BC. The earliest appear-ance of this ware is documented at the site of Odai Yamamoto I in northern Honshu, where a plain ware dates to around 14 800 cal BC and is considered to demarcate a transitional stage between the Palaeolithic and Jomon69. This phase seems to be followed by the appearance of a linear-relief decoration and later a nail-impressed and cord-marked ware; both mark two suc-cessive stages of Incipient Jomon with linear-relief pottery dating from 13 800 to 12 400 cal BC and nail-impressed and cord-marked pottery dating between 11 500 and 9500 cal BC. While vessel-forms of the transitional phase remain unidentified, Incipient Jomon vessels are of a conical shape with a rounded bottom and slightly incurving or everting rims (Plate 2). Flat bases do occur but are rare, some containers have fibre tempering. Vessels appear to have been used for boiling and / or cooking but also for storing liquid as well as solid materials70. Initial and earliest Jomon groups practiced an immediate-return hunter-gatherer subsistence strategy with hunting and fishing. However, acorns were stored in pits on Kyushu Island as early as the 10th millennium cal BC71 and during the Middle Jomon Period (3000 – 2000 cal BC) chestnut and horse chestnut stands seem to have been tended in northern Honshu72.

Early container pottery in China appears in two regions, one is located in southern China the other one in northern China. Southern Chinese pottery appeared earlier, with the site of Yuchanyan (layer 3E) in Hunan province dating back as far as between 14 900 and 14 050 cal BC (BA-5058: 13680 ± 270 BP). Miaoyan (layer 4M) in Guangxi Province dates between 14 500 and 13 600 cal BC (BA-92034: 13320 ± 270 BP) and Xianrendong Cave (zone 3C1b) dates be-tween 13 100 and 12 100 cal BC (UCR-3561: 12430 ± 80 BP)73. Xianrendong Cave provides a stratified sequence for the appearance of pottery (Plate 3,1 – 4) and associated economic data: Deer, boar, rabbit, and fox seem to have been consumed as well as a variety of birds74. Remains of wild rice were found at Yuchanyan and other sites along the Middle and Lower Yangtze River as from 13 000 cal BC and a pre-domesticated form of rice was gathered in the region as from 8000 cal BC onwards75. Communities appear to have been sedentary at that time with permanent buildings as at the open-air site of Shangshan. Ground and polished stone axes and adzes are part of the material culture76, as are grinding slabs together with plain and cord-decorated pottery77. Shangshan is the earliest open-air site with evidence of rice utilisation and early pottery. The earliest indication of actual rice cultivation in China currently comes from the site of Kuahuqiao, equally in the Lower Yangtze region and dates to around 5500 cal BC. Rice was grown in slightly brackish coastal swamps but already at this early stage required considerable preparation and clearance of this peculiar environment78.

A third, and possibly equally independent centre of pottery origin, is the Russian Far East, a diversified environment along the Pacific coastline with rivers, the major one being the Amur, draining towards the Northeast into the Pacific79. Here several multi-component sites


80 Id. 2002; Derevianko / Medvedev 2006. 81 Keally et al. 2004, 348. 82 Kuzmin 2002, 39 f. 83 Keally et al. 2003, 11. 84 Derevianko / Medvedev 2006, 126. 85 Ibid. 127, 128, Fig. 7,4 – 5.

86 Kuzmin 2002; Kuzmin / Vetrov 2007. 87 Ibid. 88 Krivonogov et al. 2004. 89 Kuzmin 2006a; Kuzmin / Veterov 2007. 90 Ibid. 91 Kuzmin / Orlova 2000, 361.

in the Amur River Basin have yielded early ceramics which are subsumed under the term Osi-povka culture80. Dates for the Osipovka ceramic tradition range from 14 000 to 9000 cal BC. Measurements of charcoal have been supplemented by TL dates from pottery of the site of Gasya which fall in the same range81. Osipovka pottery varies between the sites, while Gasya and Khummi containers have flat bottoms with thick walls (up to 1.7 cm) and a grass-tempered matrix and vertical grooves (Plate 3,5), Goncharka ceramics are decorated with cord and comb impressions and lighter in make without organic tempering82. Containers may have been used for cooking but also for extracting fish oils83. The lithic industry is based on a blade technol-ogy but also on bifaces with points categorised as arrow-heads but also dart heads84, heavier tools are chipped adze-like implements and at Gasya a part of a rectangular ground adze with a slightly convex working edge was discovered in situ 85.

Another complex of sites is that of Ust’ Karenga in the Transbaikal in eastern Siberia86. The sites are located along the lower Karenga River at its confluence with the Vitim which in turn empties into the Lena River, the Lena then draining into the Arctic Ocean. The sites are at 600 m a.s.l. Mountain tops in the region reach up to 1700 m a.s.l. The climate in eastern Siberia is continental with hot summers and severely cold winters and thus different from that of the Russian Far East. The sites have been subdivided into several cultural layers of which layer 7 contains the earliest pottery. Vessels have pointed bottoms, straight walls and straight to slightly incurving rims (Plate 3,6 – 10). They are decorated with comb, zigzag, and chevron motives, the clay is plant-fibre tempered. The lithic industry is blade-based, local river pebbles were used. Radiocarbon measurements from layer 7 of the Ust’ Karenga complex range from 12 200 to 10 200 cal BC. However, it is not impossible that older ceramics may eventually be discovered in earlier layers of the Ust’ Karenga complex87.

According to palaeobotanical reconstructions of the environment of the Ust’ Karenga layer 7 period a cold grass steppe dominated; it interchanged with pine-larch forests, com-posed also of dwarf birch, apparently the typical vegetation for the transition from the Late Pleistocene to the Early Holocene in eastern Siberia88.

Ust’ Karenga layer 7 has produced the earliest ceramics in eastern Siberia. Their relation-ship to the east Asian ceramics is only of a very general nature in that organic tempering is equally documented from the Osipovka Complex and from Incipient Jomon where pointed bases also exist. However, these similarities do not allow any far-reaching conclusions about possible contacts between these distant regions and thus, at least for now, no hypothesis about a common ancestor or a core region from where the technology could have spread to the other regions in eastern Asia may be phrased. Currently, Siberia, the Russian Far East, Japan and China are all seen as independent centres of origins for container ceramics89.

The question is, however, whether these wares influenced those of western Siberia and possibly also the eastern Russian steppe zones in Europe. Unfortunately, the data set available is not too satisfactory and the possibility of contacts from eastern Siberia towards the West need to be investigated further: Kuzmin / Veterov mention the Sumpanya-type pottery from western Siberian Ob Basin90 – 3000 km west of the Karenga-Vitim confluence – where a series of sites was excavated during the 1960s and which hitherto has been considered as a local and independent invention91. While a number of 14C dates fall into the sixth millennium cal BC,


92 Kuzim / Veterov 2007. 93 Mamonov 2000; Vybornov 2008. 94 Ibid. 95 Kuzmin / Orlova 2000. 96 Timofeev /Zaitseva 1999, 190. 97 Timofeev 1998; Piezonka 2008; Skandfer 2005;

2008; Klassen 2000; Hartz 2000; Id. 2008; Doluk -

ha nov 2005; Gronenborn in press; Crombé et al. 2008; Raemakers 2008.

98 Dolukhanov 1995; Kuzmin 2006a; Parzinger 2006, 41.

99 E. g. Richards et al. 2004; Gronenborn 2007; Zvelebil et al. in press.

100 Gronenborn 2003.

older dates reach as far back as the 10th and 11th millennium cal BC, yet these are considered problematic92; Sumpanya-type remains uncertain as far as dating and stylistic associations are concerned.

The earliest pottery in Europe so far appears to be that of the Elshan tradition in the wider Samara valley from between 7200 and 6800 cal BC, based on dates taken from river mussel shells93. The sites are shallow campsites along rivers with an economy based on hunting and fishing. Remarkable are the pointed base vessels with everted rims. Flat bases are also present, decorations are incisions, punctuations outside or inside the vessel rims and motifs are rhom-boids, triangles or chevrons94 (plate 4). The lithic industry is characterised by so-called Epi-Swidry points; trapezes and segments appear only during the evolved Elshan tradition which would underline the dating of the earlier phases to the Late Boreal. Elshan marks the earliest pottery in Europe and currently is without any immediate regional predecessors95; it has been considered as an independent innovation96.

“Streams” of neolithisation

Pottery, always in a hunter-gatherer context, appears to have spread from the Russian steppe zone towards the Northwest into the forest zone and further into the Baltic as far as into northern Fennoscandia and ultimately to the western Baltic, the Netherlands and the Belgian lowlands where early Ertebølle and Swifterbant pottery appear around 5000 cal BC or slightly earlier97. It thus forms an independent ‘Neolithic’ tradition across eastern Europe which is not connected to farming but to technological innovations such as pottery and ground stone and emerging socio-political complexity. This conservative definition of the term ‘Neolithic’ has prevailed in the Russian archaeological tradition98 and differs from the definition favoured in the West where economic aspects have been highlighted.

Stylistic and technological similarities of these hunter-gatherer pottery traditions of east-ern Europe may permit us to subsume these under the overlying concept of a “stream”, much in the way as it has been conceived for southern Africa (Fig. 1). In a similar way the ‘classic’ Neolithic of the southeastern European and ultimately Near Eastern tradition may be con-ceived as another ‘stream’, and lastly the western passage of Neolithic technologies such as pottery and pastoralism in southern France and the Iberian peninsula can be subsumed as a third ‘stream’. However, unlike the situation in southern Africa, it is yet unclear how these streams came into existence. Actual movement of larger groups across long distances, as with the Bantu migrations across Africa, have for al long time been viewed as unlikely for Europe99. It seemed more probable that the Eurasian streams were formed by cultural borrowing and only to a much lesser and still not fully understood degree by actual migrations. However, recent archaeogenetic studies e. g. by Haak et al. (2010) indicate more considerable migra-tion movements in the course of the erarly neolithisation process. In any case, these streams, which do have conceptional similarities with the currently still infamous ‘Kulturkreise’, have been termed “Hyperborean”, “Danubian” and “Occidental”100, the latter two have also been


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101 Jeunesse / van Willigen in press. 102 E. g. Buttler 1938. 103 Lüning 1997. 104 Gronenborn 1990; Id. 1997. 105 Lüning et al. 1989; Kloos 1997; Eisenhauer 2003. 106 Mauvilly 1997. 107 Gronenborn 1997.

108 See Crombé et al. 2008; Raemaekers 2008. 109 Cladders / Stäuble 2003, 499; Strien / Gronen-

born 2005. 110 Lüning 2005, 68 ff. 111 Lüning et al. 1989; Jeunesse / Van Willigen 2010. 112 Aimé 1995. 113 Jeunesse / Van Willigen in press.

termed the “Danubian” and “Mediterranean sphere” by Jeunesse / van Willigen, indicating a more static concept without directional dynamics101.

Each of these streams appear to have their origins in regions outside of Europe: the Danu-bian ultimately going back to the Near Eastern core zone of the agricultural Neolithic, the occidental stream has its origins in the western Mediterranean, possibly with an African com-ponent, and the hyperborean stream has its origins in the Russian steppe zone and possibly further east in Siberia and Northeast Asia. This is indicated by the data presented in Bramanti et al. (2009) and Haak et. al (2010). The Danubian and Occidental stream may also have been constituted largely by immigrants, a process which may have started already during the sev-enth millenium cal BC (Gronenborn 2007; in press).

These three grand streams of neolithisation merge in western Central Europe, a region which has for long been recognised as a ‘melting pot’ of different European Early Neolithic traditions102. Occasionally these three traditions are manifested in the archaeological material of one single site, this is the case for instance at the site of Bruchenbrücken, an earliest Linear Pottery site in the Wetterau region north of Frankfurt a. M.103 where western, eastern and clas-sic Danubian elements have been preserved in the archaeological record: the lithic industry has technological affiliations to the Late Mesolithic of eastern Central Europe but equally to the Late Mesolithic of western Europe104. Raw materials come from the Maas Valley, but also from the northern erratic sources, microlithic points have eastern, western, and northern stylistic affiliations (Fig. 4). The pottery is typical for earliest Linear Pottery. Fragments of La Hoguette ware indicate that people who manufactured this occidental tradition style lived on the site105. A microlith typical for Southwest Germany and adjacent regions and associated to La Hoguette, a pointe de Bavans106, was found at the nearby earliest Linear Pottery site of Goddelau in the Upper Rhine Valley107. The situation in the Netherlands and in the Belgian lowlands is similar: here, too, the traditions mixed and the pottery shows stylistic influences from both the Occidental as well as the Hyperborean stream108.

Dating fault lines

While the evidence from the site itself seems well integrated, problems arise when regarded in a broad context. According to varying age models Bruchenbrücken would date between before 5400 and around 5300 cal BC109 or 5320 and 5140 cal BC110. According to the age-model favoured by Strien and Gronenborn, House 2 with the characteristic microliths reflecting the distant connections should date around 5400 cal BC. All chronologies, regardless of whether “long” or “short” would arrange the site – together with the La Hoguette pottery – contem-poraneous to or slightly after the current estimations for the beginning of the southern French Cardial, with which La Hoguette pottery does share stylistic similarities111. While the age model for the advent of La Hoguette pottery, and likely also the pastoral economy of occiden-tal tradition, is relatively robust for western Central Europe – with a possible early beginning at Bavans rockshelter around 5600 cal BC112 – its chronological and thus culture historical ties to southern France are much less well understood113. The earliest Neolithic along the western


114 Zilhão 2001; Manen / Sabatier 2003; van Willi-gen 2004; 2006.

115 See Linstädter 2004, 156 ff.; Manen et al. 2007, 143 f.

116 Manen et al. 2007. 117 Ibid. 148. 118 Linstädter 2004, 133 ff., 136.

119 Ibid. 136, 169 f. 120 Kuzmin / Orlova 2000. 121 Kuzmin / Veterov 2007. 122 E. g. Hartz 2000; Klassen 2000; Gronenborn

2003; 2009; Jordan / Zvelebil 2009.. 123 Crombé in press. 124 E. g. Parzinger 2006.

Mediterranean coastlines is currently considered to be the Impressa wares and according to newer studies of other southern French colleagues the Cardial and Épicardial should not have made their appearance before 5400 cal BC114. This would mean that the stylistic innovations leading to La Hoguette pottery would have reached western Central Europe before Cardial emerged in southern France – an impossible scenario.

Of a more general nature are the uncertainties with regard to an African contribution to the Early Neolithic societies of the western Mediterranean. While continuously discussed in the literature over many decades115, actual archaeological evidence of such interactions during the time of the advent of the Neolithic is still sparse. Recently, however, Manen et al. were able to work out a contact-horizon in the early southern Iberian Neolithic which is characterised by innovations of a possible Northwest African origin: ceramics with rounded bases (“formes ‘en sac’”), impression decoration techniques, the use of red colourant and pressure technique in lithics and microlithic segments116. These innovations, possibly originating from Morocco, would have arrived on the Iberian peninsula after 5500 cal BC – before or contemporaneous with the Cardial tradition117. A similar situation of co-existance has recently been suggested for the occupation of the site of Hassi Ouenzga, where the ceramics of the Oran tradition, characterised by incised lines, and Cardial-influenced ware of the local Hassi Ouenzga tradi-tion occur contemporaneously from maybe as early as 5600 cal BC onwards, certainly from 5400 cal BC onwards118. It is interesting to note, that at Hassi Ouenzga Cardium or Cardium-like decorations pre-date their presumed appearance on the European continent by more than a century or are at least contemporaneous119. The situation in western Europe is thus confus-ing: Cardial-related ware appears to be older at the northern and southern margins of the style horizon than in the centre, or at least contemporaneous. This contradiction is one of the important problems in European Early Neolithic research which needs to be solved in the nearer future.

When turning to eastern Europe, another dating fault line becomes apparent. With its early age measurements the Elshan tradition antedates any other ceramic tradition in the wider region, also those from immediately beyond the Ural mountain chain120. This, again, makes the reconstruction of pan-regional communication and contacts quite difficult. And indeed, con-cerns have been phrased about a broad-scale integration of eastern European pottery traditions into a grand westward stream121. Also, while a number of authors follow the idea of a general southeastern influence on Baltic Sea and northwestern European lowland pottery traditions122 others are still reluctant in accepting the idea of a “hyperborean” stream because of local and regional stylistic dissimilarities and dating uncertainties123. Moreover, some authors still adhere to Mid-Holocene dates for early pottery in eastern Eurasia124. Taking these disagreements into account, it is of absolute necessity to refine chronological schemes also for eastern Europe and further beyond for Siberia by providing new AMS dates as a basis for understanding the nature of possible far-reaching networks during the earlier to Mid Holocene.

While, admittedly, not all problems in reconstructing the proposed streams have been solved on every possible level of resolution, a general tendency of geographical and chronological trajectories across western Eurasia is visible in the present archaeological and archaeogenetic


125 Bramanti et al. 2009. 126 Haak et al. 2005; 2010.

data. These pan-regional contacts between the Atlantic and the Ural followed contact net-works established many millennia before the advent of the Neolithic. The recently presented mtDNA-data by Bramanti et al. (Fig. 2) shows that the European northern lowlands must have been populated by a genetically different population – characterized by the predominance of haplotype U – at the period of the neolithisation of western Eurasia125. Apparently this population had also lived in southern Central Europe during the Late Pleistocene and earlier Holocene and it seems to have been largely replaced by incoming groups – characterized by mtDNA haplotypes K, T, J, V, H, HV, N1a – in the course of the neolithisation126. Possibly, this replacement began with the Late Mesolithic during the seventh millennium cal BC, when considerable changes can be observed in the material record across western Eurasia; this re-placement process continued for several millennia127. Western Europe, the Occidental stream,

Fig. 4. Bruchenbrücken, Wetteraukreis. Stylistic, technological and economic influences (modified after Gronenborn 2005).

127 Gronenborn in press.


128 Gronenborn 2007. 129 Torroni et al. 1998; Simoni et al. 2000; Rich-

ards / Macauley 2000; Richards et al. 2002; King / Underhill 2002; Richards 2003; Sykes

2003; Achilli et al. 2004; Semino et al. 2004; Zvele-bil et al in press.

130 Rootsi et al. 2007; Derenko et al. 2007.

– today the Benelux, France, and the Iberian Peninsula – may have had a genetically composed population. Clearly, contacts and exchanges similar to that of the Danubian stream (Haak et al. 2010) were much more intense in the West, between the Rhine and the Seine, beginning with Bruchenbrücken and Goddelau128.

As far as the YDNA evidence is concerned, the streams of neolithisation are still faintly preserved in the present-day distribution (Fig. 5). Haplotypes R1a and R1b are seen as the genetic signature of the western and eastern repopulation of Temperate Europe after the Late Glacial Maximum129, but it may be particularly the distribution of YDNA haplotype N (Fig. 5) which may be linked to the contacts and migrations established in the course of the spread of pottery through the Hyperborean stream130. Just as the distribution of YDNA and mtDNA across modern western Eurasia has to be understood as a palimpsest of migrations and small-scale movements, the three streams of neolithisation have to be seen as grand-scale low-resolu-tion trajectories which in detail and over time were formed by countless inter-group contacts, smaller group movements and only very occasionally by actual long-distance migrations.

Fig. 5. “Streams” of Neolithization in western Eurasia (modified after McDonald 2005; Gronenborn 2009).


In conclusion, it may be postulated that the process of neolithisation in northwestern Afroeur-asia is a reflection of population movements and contact networks going back to the initial colonisation of Europe by modern humans and the re-population after the Glacial Maximum. The networks thus established served as cultural conveyor belts, also for the spread of early pottery traditions.


1 2

3

4

10

5

11

6

12

7 8 9

Plate 1. 1 – 3 Reconstructed Wavy-Line ceramics from Tagalagal, Niger (from Roset 1987, 221 Fig. 11,3); 4 – 12 ceramic fragments from Hassi Ouenzga, Morokko, Hassi Ouenzga Group I (from Linstädter

2004, 130 Fig. 60).


1 2 3 4

10

5

11

6

12

7

8 9

16 17 18

13

14

15

19

20 21 22

Plate 2. Initial or Incipient Jomon Pottery in Japan. 1 – 5 earliest plain ware; 6 – 13 linear relief decorated ware; 14 – 22 punctate marked, nail-impressed and cord-marked ware (from Keally 2003, 4 Fig. 1).


1

2

3

5

9

5

10

4

6

7

8

Plate 3. 1 – 4 Stripe-marked, plain-marked and cord-marked pottery from Xianrendong, China (from Chi 2002, 32 – 33 Fig. 6 – 9); 5 Osipovka ceramics from the site of Gasya, Primorye, Russian Far East; 6 – 10

vessels from Ust’-Karenga, Siberia, Russia (from Kuzmin 2002).


1

2

3 4

5 6

Plate 4. Ceramics from the Elshan culture, Samara Valley, Russia, various sites (from Mamonov 2000, 164 Fig. 2).


Zusammenfassung · Abstract · Résumé

abstract Written from a Central European perspective, this chapter will present a coarse overview of recent developments in studies on early container pottery emergence in Afroeur-asia. In order to understand the wider implications of the technological innovation and its spread to Europe, it is necessary to take a broad view and to investigate the current status of knowledge for the various centres of origin for pottery. It appears that early container pot-tery emerged independently in two broad zones, eastern Asia and West- and northern Africa, towards the end of the Pleistocene and during the earlier Holocene. Such container pottery was manufactured by small bands of sedentary or semi-sedentary hunter-gatherer-fishers. The new technology spread from these centres, but it is at present unclear whether pottery reached Europe from these distant source areas, as chronological and spatial gaps rupture the proposed routes of diffusion. A third centre of origin is the northern “Fertile Crescent”, where container pottery emerges in the course of the 6th millennium cal BC among farming societies, possibly independently of the other regions. The spread of pottery into Europe itself appears to follow long-term communication routes across western Afroeurasia which are also reflected in the three different neolithisation streams.

zusammenfassung Aus einer europäischen Perspektive geschrieben, bietet der Beitrag einen Überblick über jüngere Entwicklungen in den Studien zur Entstehung von Gefäßkera-mik in Afroeurasien. Um die weiteren Konsequenzen dieser technologischen Innovation und ihrer Ausbreitung nach Europa zu verstehen ist es notwendig, ein breites Blickfeld zu eröffnen und den gegenwärtigen Stand der Erkenntnis zu den jeweiligen entfernten Entstehungszen-tren mit einzubeziehen. Derzeit scheint es, dass Gefäßkeramik unabhängig voneinander in zwei Großregionen entstanden ist, einmal im östlichen Asien, dann aber auch im westlichen und nördlichen Afrika. Dies geschah gegen Ende der Eiszeit und mit Beginn der Wiederer-wärmung. Gefäßkeramik wurde von sesshaften oder halbsesshaften Sammler-Jägern und Fi-schern hergestellt. Diese neue Technologie breitete sich von diesen Zentren aus, aber es ist derzeit unklar, ob auch nach Europa direkt Keramik aus diesen weit entfernten Kerngebieten gelangt ist, da sowohl räumliche wie auch chronologische Lücken in den Ausbreitungsrich-tungen bestehen. Ein drittes Zentrum der Keramikentstehung ist der nördliche „Fruchtbare Halbmond“, wo Gefäßkeramik während des 6. Jahrtausends cal BC von bäuerlichen Gemein-schaften entwickelt wird. Die Ausbreitung von Keramik nach Europa folgt langfristig existie-renden Kommunikationsrouten über das westliche Afroeurasien und sie wird auch in den drei Neolithisierungsströmungen reflektiert.

résumé Cet article, rédigé dans une perspective européenne, présente un aperçu des der-niers acquis réalisés dans la recherche sur l’origine de la céramique en Afro-Eurasie. En vue de mieux saisir les retombées de cette innovation technologique et de sa diffusion vers l’Europe, il faut élargir l’horizon et prendre en compte l’état actuel de la recherche sur les épicentres respectifs, fort éloignés. Il semble en ce moment que la poterie se soit développée dans deux grandes régions indépendantes : en Asie orientale et en Afrique de l’Ouest et du Nord. Cette innovation eut lieu vers la fin de la dernière glaciation et au début du réchauffement. La pre-mière poterie fut fabriquée par des chasseurs-cueilleurs et pêcheurs sédentaires ou semi-séden-


taires. Cette nouvelle technologie se répandit alors à partir de ces centres, mais, vu les lacunes spatiales et chronologiques constatées sur les axes de pénétration, l’incertitude subsiste quant à une diffusion directe vers l’Europe. Un troisième épicentre correspond au nord du « Croissant fertile », où des communautés paysannes ont développé une poterie au 6e millénaire cal BC. La diffusion de la céramique vers l’Europe suit des voies de communication établies de longue date à travers l’Afro-Eurasie occidentale et se reflète dans les trois courants de néolithisation.

Acknowledgements

I am indebted to a number of colleagues for providing me with unpublished or distantly published information on the various regions dealt with in this article: J. Habu, Berkeley – E. Garcea, Cassino – R. Haaland, Bergen – K. Sadr, Johannesburg – Y. V. Kuzmin, Vladivostok – Ch. T. Keally, Tokyo – G. Marchand, Rennes – Y. Kudo, Nagoya and W. Haak, Adelaide. Lastly I am certainly also indebted to S. Hartz, Schleswig – Th. Terberger, Greifswald – F. Lüth and K. Rassmann, Frankfurt a. M., for patiently waiting until I completed this manuscript.


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Römisch-Germanisches Zentral-museum

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University of the WitwatersrandSchool of Geography Archaeology

and Environmental StudiesJohannesburgSouth Africa

Detlef Gronenborn

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