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The United States of EuropeAuthor(s): Ernst B. HaasSource: Political Science Quarterly, Vol. 63, No. 4 (Dec., 1948), pp. 528-550Published by: The Academy of Political ScienceStable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/2144397.
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THE
UNITED
STATES
OF
EUROPE
FOURAPPROACHESOTHEPURPOSEANDFORMOFA
EUROPEAN
EDERATION
'
t
EVER
since the
breakdownof
the
universal
church
and
the universal empire
has the six-hundred-year-old
ideal
of a
united
Europe
been
pushed
closer to
realization
than
in
the last twelve months. The
years
1947
and 1948 have
seen
at
least
six
important
developments
toward
a closer
politi-
cal and economic integration of the continent. In the Balkans,
Bulgaria's
Georgi
Dimitroff
has issued a
call for
a
formal
feder-
ation of the
communist-controlled
parts
of the
peninsula.
In
western
Europe,
the Benelux
economic union has been
inaugu-
rated,
a
Franco-Italian
customs
union has
been
established,
and
the
sixteen Marshall Plan
nations have
agreed
on economic
cooperation.
In
addition
to these
steps
toward
economic
union,
Foreign
Secretary
Bevin's call
for a
Western
European
Union
has brought about the fifty-year military alliance between
Britain,
France,
Belgium,
Luxembourg
and the
Netherlands
expressed
in
the
Brussels
Pact-of
March
1948.
Far
more
signifi-
cant
than
these
official
steps,
however, is
the fact
that
large
minorities-and in
some
cases
majorities-among
the
members
of western
Europe's
parliaments have
gone
on
record
as favor-
ing the formal
unification of
all
western
European states
under
a
federal
or
a
confederate
re'gime.
While this weakening of the old parliamentary particularism
is
chiefly
the
result of
recent efforts
of
the
European
Inter-
parliamentary
Union, the
movement
toward
federation
may be
traced back
to
Dante's
De
Monarchia
and
to Pierre
Dubois's at-
tempt
of
1306 to
establish
a
permanent,
continent-wide
military
alliance.
Since
then,
the ideal
of a
united
Europe has
been
preached by
Sully,
Cruce, Penn,
Saint-Pierre,
Rousseau
and
Kant
as
well as
by
Lamartine
and Victor
Hugo. The
states-
men
generally
sought to
create a
European
state
in order
to
prevent
the
hegemony
of a single
dynasty,
while
the
philoso-
phers and
poets
asserted
that
only
through
federation
could
(528)
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THE UNITED
STATES OF EUROPE
529
Europe
be
freed
from constant warfare.'
But these were
the
sentiments
of
relatively
isolated
persons;
and it
required
an
era of world wars to stimulate the developmentof large-scale,
organized
movements advocating
the establishment
of a
united
Europe.
Between
1919 and 1934 a numberof
continent-wide
groups
actively campaigned
for a rational economic
organ-
ization of
Europe, aiming specifically
at
the
reestablishment
of
free
trade. Other
movements
emphasized
he need
for a
politi-
cal integration
of
the continent and found
leadership
n
Count
Coudenhove-Kalergi
and his
Pan-Europa group.
Not
only
clamoringfor the limitation of national sovereignty in Europe
in order to prevent
wars,
but
also
demanding
the creation
of
a
new concert of
power
in
order
to enable
Europe
to
present
a
common
front
toward
extra-European power spheres,
the
Pan-Europa
movement claimed the support
of
Herriot, Briand,
Stresemann,
Benes,
Paul
Loebe, Ignaz Siepel,
Dollfuss
and
Amery.
Its
constant propagandaand
well-attended
meetings
attempted
to
prepare public
opinion for Briand's
ill-fated call
for
a
European
Union, made
to the
Assembly
of
the League
of Nations
in
1930.
The death of
Briand
and
Stresemann
de-
prived the
movement of officialsupport, however,
and by 1934
agitation
for a united
Europe
had lapsed into
insignificance
in the face of the more immediate
problems
posed by Hitler
and
Mussolini.
During World
War II, sentiment for a closer
political and
economic integration of Europe became evident in many of
the
Resistance
groups, particularly among the
left-wing ones,
and
in
a very active Swiss group-the Europa-Union.
As
soon as the war
ended, Europeans
nterested in federation once
again
took up the task of formulating principles,
organ'izing
movements and persuading public
opinion to
the need for a
political organization
of the continent transcending
the estab-
lished national frontiers. As a result, there
are in Europe
today hundreds of organizations,movements and publications
actively working
for some form
of unity. Among the more
prominent
movements are Winston Churchill's
United Europe
1
Most
of the
schemes for
European
unity are
reported
in
outline
fashion,
empha-
sizing
structural
details
rather
than
political
principles, by E.
Wynner and G.
Lloyd,
Searchlight
on
Peace Plans
(New
York,
1944).
8/10/2019 Erbst Haas
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POLITICAL
SCIENCE QUARTERLY
[VOL.
LXIII
Committee,
Conseil Fran
fais
pour
l'Europe
Unie,
which
has
Reynaud
and
Herriot
among
its
members,
Ligue
Independente
de
Coope'ration
Europe'enne,
founded
by
Paul
van
Zeeland,
and
Coudenhove-Kalergi's
Pan-Europa
group.
All but the
last
are
unaffiliated national
organizations.
Another
segment
of
fed-
eration
groups,
however,
is
coordinated
in the
European Union
of
Federalists whose
more
important
national affiliates
include
the
Ligue
pour
les
Etats-Unis
d'Europe
in
France,
Europa-
Union
in
Switzerland
and
Germany,
Europese
Actie
in
Holland,
Federal
Union
in
Britain,
in
addition
to
other
groups
in
Bel-
gium,
Luxembourg,
Italy
and Denmark.
Furthermore
the re-
vived
Socialist
International
is
actively
working
for a
United
States
of
Europe.
All
federalists are in
contact with
each
other's aims
through
their
International
Coordination
Com-
mittee.
Recent
conferences
at
Montreux,
Hertenstein, Amsterdam
and Basel
have,
of
course,
further
strengthened
the
movement
for European federation.2 The greatest triumph which the
movement
has
scored to
date
is
the acclaim
with
which one
of
the most
recent
conference has
been
greeted-that
of
The
Hague
held in
May
of
this
year.
The
delegates
included
many of
Europe's
most
prominent
political
leaders.
Prelates
and
free-
masons,
trade
unionists
and
business
men,
in
addition
to
scholars
and
cultural
leaders,
mingled
at
The
Hague.
But
the
very
number
and
the
wide
scope
of
political
and
social
principles
represented by these men and the groups for which they speak
indicate
that
the
movement
for
European
unity
includes
a
great
variety of
aspirations
with
widely
different
approaches
to
the
purposes
and
forms
of a
European
state.
A
list
of
politi-
cal
leanings
represented at
The
Hague
further
underlines
this
diversity
of
principles,
the
only
common
denominator
of
which
is
the
will
to
create
a
united
Europe.
The
groups
repre-
sented
included
conservatives,
Christian
democrats
of
Protes-
tant, Catholic and
non-sectarian
humanistic
persuasions,
liberals
and
free
traders,
social
democrats
and
Marxists-many of
whom
2
Cf.
also the
results
of
the
Roper
Poll
on
popular
sentiment
toward
a
European
federation
which
shows
that
a
majority
of
those
polled
favor
such
a
system.
New
York
Times,
May
13,
1948.
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THE UNITED
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531
attended
the
conference
despite
the
boycott
declared
by
western
Europe's
parliamentary
ocialist
groups-federalists
favoring
an
economic solution and federalists
favoring
a
primarily
politi-
cal
organization of
Europe,
centrally
minded
federalists
and
unionists
advocating
a
loose
confederation
or
alliance.
In
fact,
as is
only
natural, the
Communists
and
extreme
Nationalists
were the sole
political
groupings
which
failed
to
support
the
conference. To these
differences in
political
and social
prin-
ciples
may
be
added
the
differences
in
outlook dictated
by
divergent
national
foreign policies and by personaldifferences.
It
is
apparent
that even
though the
term
t'
federation is
gen-
erally
applied
to
the
goal
of these
movements,
a
federal
organization
of
Europe
can
mean
no
more
than the
giving
up
of
certain
sovereign
powers
on
the
part of
the
present
states,
while
the
remaining
powers are
retained
by
them.
Even the
scope
and
nature
of
the
powers
to
be
ceded
cannot be
specified
without
violating
the
ideas of
one
or
more
of
the federal
group-
ings.
Despite
the
multifarious
number
and nature
of
the
groups
participating in
the
European
federation
movement,
four
dis-
tinct
approaches
can be
identified.
The
oldest of
these aims
at
the
formation
of a
new
concert
of
power
in
Europe. It
hopes to
combbinehe
existing
European
states in
order
to
enable
Europe
to
presenta
united
front
toward
the
rest
of the
world-
particularly
toward
the
Soviet
Union.
Its
dominant
principles
arepolitical ratherthan economic,military and strategicrather
than
social.
It
includes,
among
others,
Coudenhove-Kalergi's
Pan-Europa
movement,
Churchill's
United
Europe
Committee
and
the Conseil
Franfais
tour
1'Europe
Unie.
A
second
school
of
thought
prefers
an
almost
entirely
economic
approach. It
sees in
the
present
Europe
primarilya
set
of
irrationally
com-
peting,
autarky-seeking
economic
units
which
should
combine
under
a
customs
union
or
some
other
system
effecting
an
eco-
nomic rationalizationof the continent. Herriot is a prom-
inent
defender of
this
approach,
as
are
such
free-trade
organ-
izations
as
Union
Economique
et
Douaniere
Europe'enne.
A
third
approach
sees in
a
European
federationnot
only a
mech-
anism
for
economic
integration but
also a
lever for
effecting
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532
POLITICAL
SCIENCE
QUARTERLY
[VOL.
LXIII
sweeping
socialand
economic
reforms.
This
group,
in
addition
to the
Socialists
of the old Second
International,
includes
a
large number of Social Reformers. While the efforts of the
Left
tend
toward a
centralized
European
state,
a fourth
ap-
proach
seeks the
exact
opposite-a
complete
reorganization
of
Europe
along communal
and
spiritual lines.
In
this
group
are
found
many
Christian leaders
seeking
a
united
Europe
as
well
as
many
of
the movements
affiliatedwith
the
European
Union
of
Federalists,
particularly
the
Swiss
Europa-Union,
the
French
and
the Italian
member
organizations.
In
the
light of
these divisions
on
principles,
the
resolutions
of the
Hague
conference
are
doubly
interesting.
They
reflect
the
area
of
thought in
which a
universal
sentiment
overshadows
the
differences n
outlook
while
at
the
same time
indicating-
through
omission or
vague
wording-the areas of
thought
in
which
the
existence
of
basic
differences has
prevented the
emergence
of a
unified
program.
There is basic
agreement on
four significant points: that Europeconstitutes a cultural and
spiritual
unity rather
than a
set
of
diverse
civilizations,
that
the
federation
must seek
to
preserve
the
basic
human
freedoms,
that
a
segment of
national
sovereignty
must be
abandoned
n
order
to
achieve
social
betterment and
political
security,
and
that
economic
nationalism
must
be
abolished.
The
resolutions
assert
that
European
Union is
no
longer
a
Utopian
dea
but has
becomea
necessity,and
that it
can
only be
established
n
a lasting
basis
if
it is
foundedupon
a
genuine
and
living
unity.
. .
.This
true
unity.
.
is to
be
found
in
the
common
heritage
of
Christian
and
other
spiritual
nd
cultural
values
and
our
common
oyalty
to the
fundamental
ightsof
man,
especially
reedom
f
thought
and
expression.3
For
the
further
spreadingof
these
common
ideals,
the
confer-
ence agreed to establish a cultural information center and
educational
center
for
Europe's
youth.
3
All
quotations
from
the
text
of
the
resolutions
voted
by
the
conference
are
taken
from
Congress
of
Europe,
Resolutions,
published
by the
International
Com-
mittee of
the
Movements
for
European
Unity; also
cf. Die
Friedenswarte,
vol.
48,
No.
3,
pp.
178-182.
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THE
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EUROPE
533
In the
realmof
political
freedom
the
conference
decided
that
the
European
ederation
should
be
open
to
all
European
peoples
democraticallygoverned and which undertake to respect a
Charter of
Human
Rights
which
is to
be
agreed
to
by all
interested
governments
prior
to
the
organization
of
the
new
state.
The
conference
further
agreed
to
establish
a
European
Supreme
Court
in
which
any
European
individual
or
group
can demand
the
observation
of
basic human
rights
on
the
part
of
national
governments.
Human
rights
and
democratic
government
are
defined
as
guaranteeing
to
the
citizens
in
fact as well as in law. .
.liberty
of
thought,
assembly
and
ex-
pression,as well as
the
right to
form
a
political
opposition.
After
declaring
the
United States
of
Europe
to
be
founded
on a
common cultural
heritage
and on
a
common
insistence on
basic
political
freedoms,
the
delegates
further
agreed
that
the
time has
come
when
the
European
nations
must
transfer
and
merge some
portion
of
their
sovereign
rights
so
as
to
secure
common
political
and
economic action for the integrationand
proper
development of
their
common
resources.
And
as
the
first
concrete
step
toward
the
establishment
of
the
United
States of
Europe
the
conference
decided to
call
for
the
creation
of a
European
parliament
whose
membership
s to
be
selected
either
by
the
national
legislatures
or
directly
by
the
people.
But
the
sole
functions
assigned
to
this
parliament
consist
of
creating a
unity-minded
public
opinion,
of
deciding
on
further
political and economic steps toward union and of examining
legal
problems
arising
in
connection
with
a
federation.
It
is
only in
the
economic
and
social
field
that
the
conference
went
somewhat
beyond
these
general
recommendations.
Re-
moval
of
tariffs,
unification
of
currencies,
rationalization
of
industrial
production
and
research,
and
common
economic
planning
are
advocated.
Instead
of
endorsing
either
laissez
faire
or
Marxist
economics
the
delegates
decided
that
the
exigenciesof moderneconomicdevelopmentmust be reconciled
with
the
integrity
of
human
personality
and
that
the
ulti-
mate
and
sole
aim
of
every
economic
activity. .
.is
to
ensure
that
all
shall
enjoy
better
conditions
of
life,
both
material
and
cultural.
Based
on
these
social
requirements
he
only
accept-
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POLITICAL
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[VOL.
LXIII
able
economic
organization of
Europe
is
one
which
eliminates
economic nationalism
and
recognizes
the
necessity
for
some
measureof commoneconomicplanning.
While
these
rcsolutions
undoubtedly
reflect the
primary
needs
of
European
society-the
preservation
of
Western
civilization
and
of
political
democracy,
political
security
and
the
creation
of
higher standards
of
living-they
constitute no
more
than
the minimum
area
of agreement
between
the
various
federalist
schools
of
thought.
The
resolutions eave
unanswered
he
ques-
tion
as to what the
primary
function
of the
new
state
is
to
be.
Are
the
United Statesof
Europe
to
represent he third force
which
is to
mediate
between
the
United
States and the
Soviet
Union
or
are
they
to form
a
third
force
merely to create
a
major
world Power
of
their
own?
Is the
new state
to
con-
cern
itself with
the
introduction of
the
spiritual
revival
advo-
cated by
Christian
leadersor
is it
to
further
the
establishment
of
Marxist
socialism?
The
organization
of
the
economy-so
intimately relatedto the socialends of the new state-is almost
completely
neglected
except for
the
admission
that
profits
do
not
constitute
an
end in
themselves.
The
system of
govern-
ment
to
be
adopted
s
left
open and the
conference even
avoided
the use of
the
term
federal
for
fear
of
alienating
the
dele-
gates in
favor
of
a
confederate
organization.
The
definition
of
democracy
adopted
by
the
conference
is
too
vague to
permit the
judging
of
prospective
members.
And
finally the
role of the individual and of the community-as opposed to
the
state-received
only
cursory
attention.
What
the
func-
tions of
communal
organizations,
of
political
parties,
of
labor
unions,
of
religious
groupings
and
of
all
the
constituents of
the
multi-group
society
are
to
be
is
left
open.
But
while the
conference as
a whole
was
unable
to
go
on
record
on
these
mat-
ters,
each
of the
four
federalist
approaches
presents
detailedand
often
dogmatic
political,
social
and
economic
principles
which
are to govern the form and functions of the United States of
Europe.
What,
then,
are
the
functions
which
the
various
groups
of
federalists
want
to
assign
to their
united
Europe?
These
func-
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THE
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EUROPE
535
tions
range
from the minimum
suggested
by
the
Hague
resolu-
tions
to the
maximum of
making
the
establishmentof
socialism
or of a revived Christianethic concomitant to the creation of
a
European
state.
The
approach
which
considers
the
necessity
for
a
solidarity
of
political
power
in
Europe
as the
prime
function
of a
federation
comes
closest to
representing he mini-
mum
demand.4
The
keynote
of
this
group's
idea
is
stated
by
Coudenhove-Kalergi:
It
wouldstill
be
possible
or
Europe
o
participate
n
the
par-
tition of the earth. .through timely federation. While
Europeis
breaking
up, it
must
sink to
complete loss of
political
influence, ntil
one
day,after
losing its
colonies,
n
debt, bank-
rupt
and
mpoverished,t will
succumb
o
Russian
nvasion.5
These
federalists also
call
for a
federal
court to
adjudicate
dis-
putes
between
member
states,
for
a
customs
union,
for
specific
protection
of
minorities
and
for
the
nurturing
and
preservation
of
Western
culture
against
the
onslaught
of communism.
Their
main
emphasis,
however, is
on a
European
confeder-
ation
with
mutual
guarantees
of
equal
rights,
security
and
independence
and
a
European
military
alliance
with a
com-
mon air
force
to
secure
peace '
and
to
prevent
Soviet
he-
gemony.
The
powers of
the
confederation
would
thus be
confined
to
the
formulation
and
execution of
foreign
policy,
defense,
tariff
policy-though
this
is
not
uniformly
pressed-
and limited jurisdiction over taxation and currency. Force
may
be
used
against
recalcitrant
member
states,
but
such
a
war
will
be a
policing
action,
undertaken
solely
to
uphold
the
public
law
and
to
protect its
members
from
acts
of
aggres-
sion.
7
4
For
works
dealing
with
ideas
on
the
solidarity of
power
see:
Richard
N.
Couden-
hove-Kalergi,
Pan-Europa
(Vienna,
1923), Kommen
die
Vereinigten
Staaten
von
Europa?
(Glarus,
193
8),
and
Crusade
for
Pan-Europe
(New
York,
1943);
Lord
Davies,
A
Federated
Europe
(London,
1940);
also
the
Fulton,
Mo.,
and
Zurich
speeches of
Winston
Churchill.
5Coudenhove-Kalergi,
Pan-Europa,
p. 24
(my
translation).
C
Coudenhove-Kalergi,
Kommen
die
Vereinigten
Staaten
von
Europa?,
p.
48.
7
Lord
Davies,
op.
cit.,
p.
75.
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536
POLITICAL
SCIENCE
QUARTERLY
[VOL.
LXIII
Quite different
are
the functions
which
the
Economic
Rationalists
want
to
assign
to the central
European
authority.
Some members of this group see a complete return to free trade
as a
panacea
for
all of
Europe's
ills and
predict
universal
well-
being, high
standards of
living,
limitation
of
armaments
and
peaceful
foreign
policies,
if
only
tariff
barriers
could
be
elim-
inated.
The
free traders thus
see no need
for
an
elaborate
federal
mechanism,
and
their union
is little more than
mul-
tilateral
agreements
to
abolish
tariffs.
Others,
however,
who
also
emphasize the
economic
approach
to
Europe's
problems
see
in free competition a
prime
evil. Thus
Edouard
Herriot
argues
that, since
modern
society
is
strongly
characterized
by
the
trend
toward
greater
concentration
of
activity
by single
bodies,
private and
public, and
by the
degree
of
specialization
which
each
of these
bodies
acquires,
the
organization
of
economies
on a
competing
and
duplicating
level is an
anomaly which de-
fies
the
dictates
of universal
well-being.
Hence
the
prime
function of
a
European
union
would
be
the
elimination
of
economic
nationalism
and
of
the desire to
achieve
national
autarky. For
this
end,
bodies
approximating
the
contempo-
rary public
international
unions
would
be
created,
with
the
power
to
regulate
the
phases
of
economic
life
under
their
jurisdiction.
Action,
however,
would
be
taken
through
the
existing
governments
rather
than
directly.
A
customs
union,
of
course, is
part
of
this
approach
ibut
the
creation
of a
federal
state or even of a confederation is not necessarily implied.
The
Left's
approach to
the
functions of
the
United
States
of
Europe
is
determined
primarily by
socialist
and
social
democratic
thinking.
Beyond
this
common
denominator,
however, the
left-wing
federalists
break
down
into
several
more
ideological
subgroups.
Thus
the
British
Labor
party's
federal
thinkers,
and
a
significant
segment
of the
French
Socialists,
advocate
a
socialist
United
States
of
Europe
whose
8
For works dealing with this
approach
see:
Edouard
Herriot, The
United
States
of
Europe
(New
York,
1930);
Alfred M.
Bingham,
The
United
States
of
Europe
(New
York,
1940); and
United
States
of
Europe,
a
report
issued
in
1930
by
the
Cobden
Memorial
Association,
the
Europaische
Zollverein,
the
Union
Douaniere
Europeenne,
the
Ligue
du
Libre
Echange and
others; also
Barbara
Ward,
The
West
at
Bay
(London,
1948).
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No. 41 THE UNITED
STATES
OF EUROPE
537
major
function
is
the
creationof
a
truly
independent
third
force
designed
o
keep
both
the
United
Statesand
the
Soviet
Union out of Europe'seconomy. Another segmentof the
FrenchSocialist
party,
however,
would
makea
European
ed-
eration
primarily
a link between the
capitalist
West and
the
communistEast. This
group
favors
the admission
f
eastern
European
states to
the
federation.
Still
another
group
of
Socialists
avors
the federationof
Europe
but
wants
to
effect
socialismirstand federation
econd,
whilea fourth
group
wants
to
reversehe
procedure.
Finally
hereare
many
Social
Reform-
ers
who
hope
that
the
central
regime
will
'bring
about
social
democracy,
ut
who do not base
their
analysis
f
Europe's
lls
on
Marxist
principles.9
All of
the
left-wing
groups,
however, agree with
Prime
Minister
Spaak's dictum that
the answer
to communism
is
socialism
and not
a
return
to
capitalism.
The
federation
is
to
be
the
medium for
realizing a
continent-wide
planned
economy,
for leveling social classes and for establishing basic economic
rights. The
federal
government may
reach
into
every sphere
of
the
economy,
even to
the
extent of
granting
financial
aid
to
memiber
states
in order to
establish
uniform
standards
of
living
in
the
entire
federation.
Its
jurisdiction is
to
encompass
not
only defense
and
foreign
affairs but
also
public
health,
immigration,
radio
broadcasting,
banking of
all
kinds,
currency
and tariff
control,
labor
relations,
all
aspectsof
industrial and
commercial life, in addition to marriageand divorce and all
phases
of
social
security.
Even
some
of the
Social
Reformers
insist
that
the
government
be given
specific powers
to
own
and
operate
any
industry it
selects.
The
functions
of the
state,
in
summary,are
those of
the
contemporarysocial
service
state,
For
the
third
force
directed
against
capitalism
as
well
as
communism
see
a
manifesto
signed
by
leading French
intellectuals,
including
Sartre,
in
Politics,
Winter
Issue,
1948,
pp.
34-36;
for
Socialist
federalism
designed to
bridge
the
gap between
East and West see Unite or Perish, Report of the InternationalSocialist Conference
on
European
Federation
(London,
1947);
the
federation
first
principle
is
advo-
cated
by
the
Labour
M.P.
R. W.
G.
Mackay in
Federal
Europe
(London,
1940)
while
the
socialism
first
idea
is
defended
by
G.
D. H.
Cole
in
Europe,
Russia and
the
Future
(New
York,
1942);
social
democratic
ideas are
set
forth
by
W.
Ivor
Jen-
nings in A
Federation
for
Western
Europe
(New
York,
1940)
and
by
Abraham
Weinfeld
in
Toward
a
United
States
of
Europe
(Washington,
1942).
8/10/2019 Erbst Haas
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538
POLITICAL
SCIENCE
QUARTERLY
[VOL.
LXIII
which
the orthodox
Socialists
deduce from Marxism
while
fed-
eralists
like
Jennings
and Weinfeld
reach identical
conclusions
on the basis of social democratic theory. These groups see
the need
for
a much
more
extensive state structure
than
that
advocated
either
by
the
proponents
of
the
solidarity
of
power
or
by
the
adherents
of
economic rationalization.
As might
be
expected,
the communal
and Christian
feder-
alists take
strong
exception
to the Left's
materialistic
approach
and, more
particularly,
to the
implication
of
a
strong,
bureau-
cratic federal
regime.10
The
reassertion
of
communal
rights
is held to be essentialin checking the growth of the leviathan
state;
and,
since
spiritual
values
alone can
fashion an
ethical
state,
Christian
principles
must
form
an
integral part
of
the
federation's structure. Hence
the
Communalists would
go
considerably
beyond the
recommendationsof
The
Hague
in
safeguarding
the
spiritual
and
physical
rights
of
the
individual
and the
small
commune,
whose
preservation
they
consider
the
main
function of the
Europeanfederation.
By
contrast,
how-
ever,
they
are
far
from
guaranteeing
the
existing rights
of
member
states.
Respect
for
communal
rights is part
of a great
devotion
to the
small state
which
affords
the
most
desirable
form of
democracy-direct
participation
of
the citizen
in
policy-making
and
administration.
This
atomistic view
of
society,
however, is not
carried to the
extreme of
advocating
complete individualism.
On
the
con-
trary, the Communalists favor a strong share of communal
collectivism,
common local action
through
communallyorgan-
ized
government.
They are
led
to
federalism
as the
logical
mechanismfor
combining the
rights of the
communewith
the
demands
of
modern,
geographically
undifferentiated
society.
Since
they
realize
the
complexity
of
this large
society, they
equip
the
federal
state with a
wide
range of
powers
including
10
For
literature on
communal and
Christian
federalism see:
Hans
Bauer
and
H. G. Ritzel, Kainpf um Europa (Zurich, 1945); Europa, monthly journal of the
Europa-Union;
Fe'de'ration,
monthly
journal of
the
Centre
d'Etudes
Institutionnelles
and
Equipes d'Action
Fe'derale,
Paris.
These
organizations
base
their
ideas
on the
federalisme
of
Proudhon
which
seeks to limit
state
power
through a
communally
and
functionally
organized
society;
see
N.
Bourgeois,
Les
The'ories du
droit
interna-
tional chez
Proudhon
(Paris,
1927),
and
J.
Hennessy and
J. Charles
Brun, Le
Prin-
cipe
fe'de'ratif
(Paris,
1940).
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THE
UNITED
STATES OF
EUROPE
539
not
only
defense,
foreign
affairs,
the
maintenance
of
internal
order,
immigration
and
the arbitration
of
disputes
between
memberstates,but also the guaranteeingof a minimum stand-
ard of
living
and social
security.
But local
autonomy,
under
this
approach,
cannot be
combined with
a
centrally
adminis-
tered
economy;
hence the federal
state
is to
provide
only
the
peaceful framework
in which
the natural
development
of
com-
munes and
corporate
bodies can
proceed
without
external
in-
terference.
Collectively
these
four
approaches
to
the
proper
functions
of
the
European
federation
constitute
an
admission
of
the
principle of
unity
in
diversity
.
Cultural
diversity,
far
from
being
destroyed,
s
to
be
protected
by
the
system
of
politi-
cal and
economic
security
to be
offered
through
federation.
Yet
the
four
conceptions
of
the
European
tate
imply
important
differences
in
the
relationship
which is
to exist
between
the
state
on one
hand and
the
community
and
the
individual
on
the
other.
Federalist
opinion is united in insisting on respect
for human
rights and
the
prevalence
of
democracy.
This,
however,
neither
defines
democracy
nor
makes
clear
whether
a
democratic
federation
must
necessarily
consist of
demo-
cratic
member
states.
Even
if
democracy is
described
as
offering
no
more
than
the
control
of the
government
through
the
majority
opinion
prevalent
in
the
community
forming
the
state,
the
application
of
this
definition to a
European
federation
encountersthree majorobstacles-the dominanceof the multi-
group
society
which
prevents
the
formulation
of
a
clearly de-
fined
community
feeling,
the
existence
of
national
minorities
who
tend
to
feel
oppressed
regardless
of
the
jurisdiction
under
which
they
live,
and
the
continuation
of
much of
the
wide-
spreadand
easily
excitable
nationalism
which
divides
the
peoples
of
Europe.
European
federalists
irmly
believe
that
federationis
the
only
mechanismby means of which these cleavagescan be bridged
simultaneously;
but
they
differ
profoundly on
the
methods
to
be used.
While
the
majority
among
them
believe
that
simple
democracy,
functioning
through
absolute
majority
decisions
in
elections
and
legislatures, s
an
adequate
mechanism,
a
minor-
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540
POLITICAL
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[VOL.
LXIII
ity
urges
the
adoption
of
corporate
and functional
democratic
bodies
to aid
in
expressing
the will
of
social,
national
and
eco-
nomic groups.
Thus
the
approaches
favoring
the
solidarity
of
power
and
economic
rationalization
aim
at
the
formation
of a
universal
European
Union.
Hence
they
tend
to define
democracy
with
sufficient
flexibility
to
permit
the
admission
of states
whose
communities have
little
or
no
voice in
the
conduct of the
gov-
ernment.
Although
recently
agreeing
to
the
formulation
of
a
charter
on basic
human
rights,
they
formerlyignored
the
stand-
ing of the individual and of the community in favor of an
all-embracing
membership
n
the
federation.
At
any
rate,
the
powers
of
the
central
authority
are
sufficiently
restricted
to
perpetuate
the
degree of
community
and
individual
freedom
now
in
existence n
the
member
states.
Furthermore
any
action
decided
upon
by
the
federal
authorities
could be
translated
nto
collective action
only
through
the
adhesionof
the
national
gov-
ernments,
thus
again
strengthening
the
r8le
of
existing
groups
in
the
community.
The
left-wing
supporters
of
federation,
of
course,
emphasize
quite
different
aspects
of
community
and
individual
rights.
They
are
unanimous
n
insisting
on a
strict
definition
of
democ-
racy in
judging
the
qualifications
of
prospective
member
states,
and
would
exclude
such
states
as
Portugal
and
Spain.
Only
a
small
minority
favors the
admission
of
eastern
European
countriesif these fail to subscribe o the convention on human
rights
decided
upon at
The
Hague.
In
addition a
charter
of
extensive
economic
rights-employment,
health
insurance,
social
security, minimum
wages,
maximum
hours,
labor
organizations
and
the
right
to
strike-forms
an
essential
part
of
socialist
plans.
But
since
the
acceptance
of
socialism
s
made
dependenton
the
free
opinion
of
the
European
electorate,
democracy
is
a
sine
qua
non
for
socialist
federation
ideas.
Since the Socialistsenvisage a far more powerful central
regime
than
the
other
federalists,
they
are
compelled
to
devote
special
attention
to
preserving
local
rights
and
ideas,
in
order
to
avoid
a
revival
of
particularism.
One
device
employed
is
the
delegation
of
enumerated
powers
to the
federal
state,
while
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No.
4]
THE
UNITED
STATES
OF
EUROPE
541
the
member
states
retain
the
unspecified
residuum.
A far
more
significant
principle,
however,
is that
of
local
administrative
autonomy advocated by many of the left-wingers. Under
this
system,
the federal
authorities
would
lay
down
the
gen-
eral
requirements
of
a
specific
law
and
permit
local
govern-
ments
to
work out
detailed
administrative
rules
suiting
specific
local
needs. Local
bodies,
furthermore,
are accorded
the
right
of
selecting
the officials who
administer
federal
law,
so
that
a
Belgian
public
health
official,
for
instance,
could
not
administer
a
federal
immunization
law
in
Norway.
The
Communalists
wholly endorse the
principle
of
admin-
istrative
autonomy
in
preserving
community
control
over
fed-
eral
administration,
and
also
insist
that
only
truly
democratic
nations
be
admitted
to
the
federation.
Nevertheless,
they
take
greater
pains
to
define
community
and
individual
rights
than
any
of
the
other
federalists.
The
European
community,
instead of
being
conceived as a
conglomeration
of
social,
reli-
gious, national and economic groups, is regardedprimarily as
a
large number
of
quasi-independent
geographical
communes.
This,
however, by
no means
implies
that the
rights
of
the
in-
dividual
person are
submerged
n
those
of
his
native
village
or
town
or
canton.
On
the
contrary,
respect
for
human
individ-
uality is
found
in
the
teachings
of
Christ,
which
form an
in-
tegral
part of
this
approach
to
federation.
Hence
any
com-
munal
form
of
organization
exists
solely
for
the
purpose
of
aiding man; man doesnot exist in order to serve the commune,
geographical
or
functional.
Therefore
it
is
the
duty
of
the
state
to
protect
freedom
within
all
geographical
communes
in
addition
to
granting
functional
organizations
in
the
com-
munity
a
large
r6le in
operating
the
government.
But,
since
the
Communalists
hold
that
the
social
pressure
of
the
commu-
nity is
sufficient
to
bring
about
individual
moral
conduct,
the
state
must
be
prohibited
from
enforcing
ethical
standards.
To
make such community pressurepossible, freedom of political,
intellectual
and
religious
expression
must
be
guaranteed
hrough
public
policy.
In
addition
protection
of
the
family
unit
and
the
supervision
of
education
become
key
duties
of
the
federal
state,
if
morality is
to be
inculcated
rather
than
enforced.
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POLITICAL
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QUARTERLY
[VOL.
LXIII
The
Europa-Union
expresses
its attitude
toward education
in
these
terms:
The postulates-freedom of conscience and belief, freedom for
scientific
research, he
duty
of the
federation to
guarantee
all
its
members
training commensurate
with
their
ability,
the
creation
of
academies
to further
humanistic-religious
philosophy-these
are all
self-evident
facts
which
we are
compelled
to
recognize
if
our basic
convictions
are
truly democratic.
The
Communalists thus
consider the
official
teaching
of
ethics
and
religion as one of
the
primary
functions of
the
federation.
Federalist
thought
on
the
role
of
social
classes varies
widely.
On
one
extreme,
the
Socialists hold that
political
power
is
a
function
of
economic
power,
and if
the
political dominance of
the
possessing
social
classes is to
be
abolished,
the wide
differ-
ences
in
economic
power
must
be
eradicated. A
leveling
of
social
classes is
therefore an
important
part
of
left-wing
fed-
eralist
thinking.
At
the
other
extreme we
find the
Commu-
nalists who reject this materialistic analysis, but nevertheless
favor
many
of
the
social
reforms
advocated
by
the
Left.
Com-
munalistic
emphasis,
however,
is
placed
on
the role
of
func-
tional
groups and
communes
rather
than on
social
classes.
Persons of
widely
different
incomes
and
social
standing
living
in
the
same
community are
thought to
have
more in
common
than
people
of
the
same
social
class
living
in
separated
local-
ities.
Hence the
problem
of
social
classes
is one
of
minor
con-
cern to the communal federalists.
Less
extreme
ground is
occupied
by
the
groups
favoring
eco-
nomic
rationalization
and the
solidarity
of
power.
They
are
composed
essentially of
political
conservatives
and
free-trade
liberals
who
desire
little
change
in
the
present
social
stratifi-
cation.
Since
their
plans
for a
European
federation
give
the
central
regime no
direct
powers
over
either
economic
or
social
questions,
their
aim
must be
that of
preserving the
existing
dis-
tribution of social and economic power.
While
opinion on
the
role of the
federation in
dealing
with
social
groups
varies
widely,
federal
opinion
with
respect
to
national
groups is
quite
uniform.
All
are
in
hearty
agreement
11
Bauer
and
Ritzel,
op.
cit.,
p.
161
(my
translation), and
also
Kulturelle
Leit-
sdtze
eines
europdischemi
Bundes, a
pamphlet
published
by
the
Europa-Union.
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THE
UNITED
STATES
OF EUROPE
543
with the
Hague pronouncement
favoring
toleration
of
national
cultural
development.
The
Hague
resolution
on
national
groupsin the federation,more particularly,defines the attitude
of
the
Economic Rationalists.
Since
the federal
regime
under
their
approach
would
lack
powers
to
interfere
in
the
cultural
or
language
policy
of
any
of the constituent
states,
their
atti-
tude is
that
of
preserving
the
status
quo
and of
working
toward
a
weakening
of
nationalism
through
the
establishment
of a
European
committee
on
intellectual
relations,
akin
to
the
one decided
upon
at The
Hague.
Some
of
the
Socialists
and
Social Democrats want to augment this minimalist approach
with
the formulation of
a
new series
of
minority
treaties-
similar
to the
ones
in
effect under the
League
of
Nations-in
order to
protect
the
national
minorities
living
within
member
states
of a
different, dominant
national
group.
This, essen-
tially,
is
also
the
attitude
of
the
Communalists, some of
whom
would
give
the
federal
Supreme
Court
jurisdiction to
protect
the
rights
of
national
minorities.
Only
two
schemes for
the
federation of
Europe
go
con-
siderably
beyond
these
ideas.
Thus
Coudenhove-Kalergi
asserts that
even
though
each
nation is
a
sacred
and
venerable
entity
as
a
rallying
point
of
culture,
as
a
point of
crystallization
of
morality
and progress,12
cultural
nationalism
is
a
menace
to
the
European
federation
which
must be
actively
combated
by
the
federal
state.
He
proposes the
abolition
of
the
identity
between state and nation and predicts that the concept of
Staatsvolk/
will
be
outlived as
was
the
concept
of a
state
church
and will
give
way to
the
principle
of a free
nation in
a
free
state.
13
While
Coudenhove-Kalergi
would
thus
weaken
existing
national
sentiment
through
federal
policy,
Abraham
Weinfeld has
suggested a
scheme
for
strengthening and
pro-
tecting the
role of
national
minorities. He
proposes
that
all
national
minorities, for
example
the
Hungarians
in
Rumania,
should form corporations able to sue and be sued, receive finan-
cial
grants and
lobby in
the
federal
parliament.
The
mores,
12
Coudenhove-Kalergi,
Pan-Europa,
p.
142.
13
Ibid.
p.
147.
See
also
Bingham,
op.
cit., who
postulates that
there
should
be
as
little
relation
between
state
and
national
boundaries
as
there is
between
the
boundaries
of
the
American
states and
Federal
Reserve
district
(p.
99).
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POLITICALSCIENCE QUARTERLY
[VOL.
LXIII
religious
laws
and customs
peculiar
to the
minority
are to
be
under
the
sole
rule
of
the
corporation,
which
in
turn
is to
be
protected by federal law. The corporation, furthermore,
would
be the sole
official
representative
of
the
minority
vis-a-
vis
local, state
and federal
authorities.
This
procedure,
some-
what
reminiscent of the
legal
standing
of
the
Christian
minor-
ities in
the Ottoman
Empire,
providesanA
entirely
new
principle
for the
public
relations
between
a
community
and
its
national
minorities,
a
standing
which
would
be
likely
to make such
minorities
a
permanent
feature
in
European
society.
The problem
of
national
groupings
and their
standing
in
the
federation raises the
question
of
political
parties.
Do
the fed-
eralists
prefer
that
parties
follow
national lines
or
economic
or social lines?
The
answer is
complicated
by
the fact
that
the basic issue
of communal
power,
as
against
the
power
of
the central
authority,comes to
the
fore once
more
in
the treat-
ment of
political
parties. But if
society is
regarded
as
split
into social classeswhich representthe economicrole and power
of
the
individuals
composing
them,
the
conclusion is
inevitable
that
the
parties
which
will
struggle
for
control of
the
federal
parliament
will
follow
economic
lines.
Hence the
common
European
pattern
of a
Socialist-Labor
party,
a
Liberal
party
and
a
Conservativegroup
would be
copied
in
the
federal
regime.
This,
indeed,
is the
attitude of
the
left-wing
federalists who
desire
the
emergence
of
this
type
of
party
structure,
even
though they admit that initially parties will probably follow
along national
lines.
The
Economic
Rationalists, as
well
as
the
proponents
of the
solidarityof
power,
present
no
opinions
on
the
role and
type
of
parties
desirable
since
the weak
nature
of the
central
re'gime
will
obviate
the
necessity of a
general
European
party
structure.
The
communal
conception
of the
European
state,
on the
other
hand,
tends
to
gloss over
the
existence of
separate
social
classes and similarly considers national groups less important
than
the
interests of
the
federating
communes.
Though some
of
the
Christian
eaders
would
advocatethe
carryingover
of
reli-
giously
oriented
party
groupings
into
the
federal
parliament,
the
Swiss
Europa-Union,
by
contrast,
believes
that a
general
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THE
UNITED
STATES
OF
EUROPE
545
feeling of
European
unity
will
develop
which
will
limit
the
particularism of
existing
national
groups,
while a
corporate
system of economic organization will render socially oriented
party
blocs
unnecessary.
All the communal
theorists,
how-
ever,
overlook the
striking
fact that
geographical
proximity
no
longer
marks the
unifying political
bond
among
the
elec-
torate.
Dairymen
in
Bern,
in
Denmark,
in
Eire
and
in
Hol-
land
are
more
likely
to
have the
same
political
interests
than
steelworkers,
clothing
manufacturers
and streetcar
conductors
living
in
the same
community.
Even
if
the
traditions
of close
association
among
neighbors,
regardless
of
their
social
standing
and
economic
pursuits,
should
at
first
overshadow
the
role
of
economic
interest
in
the
federal
legislature,
the
introduction
of
the
first
tariff
bill
is
likely
to mark
a
strong
change
in
this
attitude.
While
the
importance
of
economic
interest in
the
formation
of
parties
is
emphasized-and
exaggerated-only
by
the
Social-
ists
and
Social
Reformers, the economic organization of the
federation
is
a
matter of
deep
concern
to
almost all
federalist
groups.
That
the
principle of
laissez
faire
and of
unchecked
individualisin
in
economic
enterprise
no
longer
plays a
signifi-
cant
role
in
any
federalist
approach
was
indicated
by the
Hague
resolution
affirming
that
the
organization
of
the
economy
is
much
more
closely
linked
to
effecting
social
democracy
than
to
the
realization
of
profits. Yet
despite the
unanimity
of
feeling on this basicprinciple,the four approaches o European
federation
exhibit
wide
differences
n
their
economic
thinking,
some
favoring
a
largely
free-enterprise
system,
others a
col-
lectivist
economy
and still
others a
mixed
economy.
In
addi-
tion
there
is
the
cleavage
between
those
desiring
an
economy
patterned
on
corporate
principles
and the
groups
thinking
more
in
terms
of direct
state
socialism.
The
economic
approach
of
the
group
seeking
a
solidarityof
European power is distinctly favorable to a free-enterprise
economy;
but
a
very
thorough
change
in the
structure
of a
united
Europe is
advocated
by the
Economic
Rationalists.
They
reject
laissez
faire and
favor a
more
scientific
division
of
labor
on a
continent-wide
scale,
in
additionto
opposing
Fabian
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POLITICAL
SCIENCE
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[VOL.
LXIII
as
well
as Marxist socialism.
A
mixed
economy
is
proposed
as
the
best method
of
achieving
the
economic
integration
of
the
continent without resort to the abolition of the price-profit
system,
provided
that
this
system
can be
purged
of
national-
istic elements.
And the mechanism
for
eliminating
economic
nationalism
lies
in
the
wide
use
of cartels.
Once these
bodies
are
subjected
to
regulation,
they
may
be used for
allocation
of
capital,
labor,
industrial
equipment
and
the
distribution
of
goods,
while
serving
as an
instrument of
planning
at
the
same
time.
The
cartel
has
the additional
virtue of
fitting
into
all
the
types of governmental and social systems which these federal-
ists
hope
to unite.
Economic
rationalization
is to
be
rounded
out
with
a common
European
currency
and
central
banking
mechanism,
co6rdinated
investment
policy
and
centralized
con-
trol
over
foreign trade.
Private
collective
institutions
repre-
senting
labor,
capital
and
consumers,
rather than
governmental
legislation,
are to
assure
the
fairness
of
the
cartel.
Some
form
of
corporate
organization
of
economic
interests
is thus
essen-
tial.
Collectivism
is the
key to
the
entire
system, but
it is
not
collectivism
through
state
ownership
of
the
means
of
produc-
tion.14
Outright
ownership
or
control of
the
means
of
production
on
the
part of
the
federal
state,
however,
is
the
overtone
in
the
federation
plans
of
the
Left.
G.
D.
H.
Cole,
for
instance,
makes
the
adoption
of
the
British
Labor
party's
version of
socialism
the
basic condition for the organization of a Euro-
pean
state,
and
continental
Socialists
often
advocate
an
even
more
orthodox
application
of
Marxist
economic
principles
than
do
the
British.
The
Social
Reformers, on
the
other
hand,
are
less
radical.
While
making
possible
the
realization
of
socialism
in
the
new
state
through
corresponding
distribution
of
federal
and
member-state
powers,
they
do
not
consider
the
victory
of
socialism
a
condition
for
establishing
a
European
federation.'5
A fourth-and radically different-approach is offered by
the
communal
federalists.
They
insist
that
such
purely
ma-
terialistic
analyses
of
human
behavior
as
those
of
the
Socialists
14
See
particularly
Herriot,
ob.
cit.,
and
Bingham,
op.
cit.
15
Cf.
the
constitution
presented in
Jennings,
op.
cit.
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THE UNITED
STATES
OF
EUROPE
547
and the Economic Rationalists
ignore
man's
spiritual
aspects
which are
reflected
even
in his efforts
to make
a
living.
While
admitting that the advent of political democracy has not been
accompanied
by
economic
democracy,
the
way
for
bringing
the
two
into
line does not lie in the realm
of
collectivism
or
statism.
Hence
man,
not
production,
capital
or
consumption,
is
the
key-
stone
of
the
economy;
and
man's
spiritual
needs should
govern
the
organization
of the federation's
economic
life. Just
as
in
the
political realm
individual moral
behavior
is
to
be
brought
about
by
instilling
a
feeling
of
group
responsibility
in
each
person, a parallel feeling of mutual sympathy and
cooperation
is
to
pervade the
economy.
Functional
associations
would be
present
at
every level
of
production,
and
consultation
between
these
bodies
would be
continual.
The
Europa-Union
suggests
that,
at
its
highest
level,
the
economy
be
represented
by
its
own
parliament
which
would
co-exist
with
the
political
legislature.
Every member of
the
economy,
including
consumers,
would
elect
delegates to the
economic
council.
In
addition, a
system
of
economic
courts
would
round
out
the
complete
autonomy
of
the
economy within
the
state.
Federal
legislation in
eco-
nomic
matters
would
thus be
obviated
since
the
resolutions
of
these
distinct
economic
bodies
would
carry
the
force of
law.'6
At
the
same
time,
however, the
Communalists,
in
their
desire
for
social
reform,
condition
this
type of
economic
organization
on
the
economy's
guaranteeing its
workers
fair
wages,
decent
living standards even during periods of depression, social secu-
rity, maximum
hours,
and
the
prevalence
of just
prices.
While
property
rights
are
recognized
unconditionally
by
the
state,
these
economic
guarantees
are to
be
financed
and
administered
by
the
autonomous
economy.
The
principle
that
the
state
must
abdicate
the
desire to
control
the
economic
life
of
the
federation
is
basic to
this
approach.
In
the
light
of
these
clashing
principles-on
the
functions
of the federation, on the rights of the community and the in-
dividual,
on
social,
national
and
political
groupings,
and
on
the
economy-how
do
the
federalist
groups
envisage
the
form
of
Il
Die
Zukunf
der
europdischen
Wirtschaf
,
Leitsdtze
der
Europa-Union;
also
Bauer
and
Ritzel,
op.
cit.,
and
Rapport du
Premier
Congres
Annuel
de
U.
E.
F.
(Geneva,
1947).
8/10/2019 Erbst Haas
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548
POLITICALSCIENCE QUARTERLY [VOL.
LXIII
government
of the
United
States of
Europe?
The
primary
cleavage
here is one between
the advocates
of a strict
federation,
in which sovereigntywould inhere in the central structure,and
the
devotees
of confederation
or
union
who
would
leave
most
sovereign powers
with
the
member
states
and would
deny
the
central authority of direct
access
to
the citizen. A
further
problem
is
raisedwith
respect
to
the
form
of democratic
gov-
ernment to
be
adopted:
the
cabinet,
the
presidential
or
the
col-
legiate system.
And
finally
a
good
deal
of
disagreement
exists
on
the number
and
types
of
legislative
bodies
required
in
the
federation.
The
simplest approach
is
that
of the
economically
minded
group
of
Europeans
which
conceives
a
European
union in
terms
of
supervised
cartels
and
free
trade.
Aristide
Briand,
a
sup-
porter
of
this
approach,
emphasized
that
a
United
States
of
Europe
should tend toward union
more
than
toward
unity and
declared
that in
no case
and
in
no
degree
may
the formation of the
Federal
Union
desired
by
the
European
Governments affect in
any
way any
of
the
sovereign
rights
of
states
which
are
members
of such an
association. 17
The
present
exponents
of this
theory
of
federationstill
do
not en-
visage the
creation of
a
Europeangovernment
and
intend
to
accomplish economic
rationalization
by
means of
a series
of
international
administrative
bodies
which are
to
work
through
the
existing
national
governments.
Strictly
speaking,
there-
fore, there can be no question of creating a new state, and con-
sequently
a
government cannot
come
into
existence.
Herriot
spoke
of
the
formation of a
European
moral
personality
but
insisted
also
that
there exists
no
need for a
federal
legis-
lature since
the
programof
economic
rationalizationcould be
achieved
through
coordinated
national
policies.
The
propo-
nents
of the
concert
of
power go
only little
beyond this ap-
proach. The
minimalists among
them
are
satisfied
with the
present western European five-Power arrangementswhile the
maximalists
call for
the
creation of a
definite
confederation
with a form
of
government
patterned
after that of
Switzerland
17International
Conciliation,
No.
265,
p.
111.
This
issue
and a
Special
Bulletin
of
June
1930
deal with
Briand's
appeal
for a
EuropeanUnion.
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THE UNITED
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549
in
its
collegiate
composition,
but not
enjoying
the
sphere
of
powers
possessed
by
the
government
in
Bern.
The Left and the Communalistsareone in advocatinga strict
federation
whose law is
superior
to the law of
the member
states
and
whose
sphere
of activities transcends
that
of
the
confeder-
ation
envisaged
by
Coudenhove-Kalergi.
Here the
similarity
ends,
however,
since
the
communal
theory
of federation
calls
for the
creation of
special
governmental
institutions
considered
superfluous
by
the Socialists
and
Social
Reformers.
In
gen-
eral, the
left-wing
federalists
propose
the
carrying
over
of
the
parliamentary
ystem
of
government
into the
federation.
The
executive
is a
committee
of
the
legislature,
responsible
to
it
and
able to
dissolve
it.
The
wide
quasi-judicial
and
quasi-
legislative
powers
necessitated
by
the
economic
and
social
func-
tions of the
federation
will be
lodged
in
the
federal
executive.
The
judiciary
is
also
part of the
executive,
which,
however,
leaves
unimpaired
the
independence of court
decisions from
the wishes of the cabinet. Thus neither a separationof powers
nor a
system
of
checks
and
balances s
in
evidence.
There can
be no
question
but
that
the
federal
government
alone
is
truly
sovereign,
since
Jennings,