Archäologie eines frühmittelalterlichen Künstlers - Tuotilo...Alte und neue Wege ihrer ... Tuotilo of St Gall – metalw orker, ivory-carver, painter ... (note 1), p. 55–93. For

Monasterium Sancti Galli 8

TUOT I LOArchäol o g ie e ine s

f rühmitte lalte rliche n Künstle rs

Herausgegeben von David Ganz und Cornel Dora

Verlag am Klosterhof St. Gallen Schwabe Verlag Basel

2017

Folgende Institutionen haben den Druck unterstützt: Stiftsbibliothek und Katholischer Konfessionsteil des Kantons St. Gallen Kunsthistorisches Seminar der Universität Zürich

Lotteriefonds des Kantons St. Gallen Historischer Verein des Kantons St. Gallen Freundeskreis der Stiftsbibliothek St. Gallen

Tuotilo: Archäologie eines frühmittelalterlichen Künstlers (Monasterium Sancti Galli; 8) St. Gallen: Verlag am Klosterhof, 2017

ISBN 978–3–905906–22–6 ISSN 1424–358X

Basel: Schwabe Verlag, 2017 ISBN 978–3–906819–19–8

© Verlag am Klosterhof, St. Gallen

Bestelladressen: Stiftsbibliothek St. Gallen, Postfach, 9004 St. Gallen, Schweiz; [email protected] Schwabe Verlag, Auslieferung, Farnsburgerstrasse 8, 4132 Muttenz, Schweiz; [email protected]

Gestaltung, Satz: TGG Hafen Senn Stieger, St. Gallen; Druck: Niedermann Druck AG, St. Gallen; Einband: Buchbinderei Grollimund AG, Reinach; Papier: Normaset Puro, 120 g/m2; Schrift: Rialto

Inhaltsverzeichnis

Cornel Dora (St. Gallen)Vorwort ............................................................................ 7

Bildtafeln .................................................................... 8

David Ganz (Zürich)An Artist-Monk in Pieces. Towards an Archeology of Tuotilo ............. 21

Die literarische und künstlerische Überlieferung zu Tuotilo

Ernst Tremp (Freiburg im Üechtland)Tuotilo in den Casus sancti Galli Ekkeharts IV . ..............................53

Franziska Schnoor (St. Gallen)Das Tuotilo-Bild in Texten vom Mittelalter bis zum Barock ................73

Karl Schmuki (St. Gallen)«Sant Tütel» – ein Seliger oder Heiliger der Kirche? Ein stiftsanktgallisches Gutachten zur Kanonisierung des Tuotilo von 1776 ................................................................. 91

Karl Schmuki (St. Gallen)Tuotilo-Portraits aus der Frühen Neuzeit ................................... 101

Künstlerische Aktivität im frühmittelalterlichen Kloster

Rupert Schaab (Göttingen)Tuotilo: Die Klostergemeinschaft und der Künstler ...................... 109

Wojtek Jezierski (Göteborg)Tuotilo and St Gall’s Emotional Community. Monastic Sensations, Sentiments, and Sensibilities (9th–11th Centuries) .......................................................... 127

Philipp Lenz (St. Gallen)Tuotilo und das Evangelium longum: Alte und neue Wege ihrer Erforschung ....................................... 151

Anfänge musikalischer Schöpfung

Andreas Haug (Würzburg)War Tuotilo ein Komponist? .................................................. 175

Susan Rankin (Cambridge)Ut a patribus audiuimus. Tuotilo, as Framed by Ekkehart IV ........................................... 195

Goldschmied, Elfenbeinschnitzer und Buchmaler

Joseph Salvatore Ackley (New York)Early Medieval Monastic Metalworking, and the Precious-Metal Book-Cover of the Evangelium longum ......... 213

Stefan Trinks (Berlin)Archäologie des Piercing. Tuotilo und die gebohrten Elfenbeine der Karolingerzeit ................................................ 231

Fabrizio Crivello (Turin)St. Galler Buchmalerei zur Zeit Tuotilos:Die Evangelistenbilder ........................................................ 255

Ittai Weinryb (New York)Material and Making: Artisanal Epistemology at St Gall ................. 269

Abbildungen ............................................................... 285

Abbildungsnachweis ........................................................... 361Kurzbiografien ................................................................. 365

6

7

Vorwort

Unter den Büchern in der Stiftsbibliothek St. Gallen ragt das Evangelium Longum (Cod. Sang. 53) hervor, ein schon seines Formats wegen (39.8 × 23.5 cm) aussergewöhnliches Evangelistar mit den Bibelstellen, die im Lauf des Kirchenjahrs am Ambo in der Klosterkirche zu lesen waren.1 Die grossen geschnitzten Elfenbeintafeln auf dem Vorder- und Rückendeckel werden dem St. Galler Mönch Tuotilo zugeschrieben, der als erster nament-lich bekannter bildender Künstler aus dem Gebiet der heutigen Schweiz gilt. Er wurde wohl um 850 geboren, ist von 895 bis 912 urkundlich belegt und starb vermutlich am 27. April 913.

Unter dem Titel Tuotilo – Archäologie eines frühmittelalterlichen Künstlers ver-anstalteten der Lehrstuhl für Kunstgeschichte des Mittelalters der Universität Zürich und die Stiftsbibliothek St. Gallen vom 26. bis 29. August 2015 in St. Gallen eine internationale Tagung. Dabei wurden neue Zugänge zu Tuotilos Leben, seinem Umfeld und seinem Werk als Goldschmied, Elfen-beinschnitzer, Maler, Dichter und Komponist sowie zu den verschiedenen Facetten des Tuotilo-Bildes späterer Jahrhunderte vorgestellt und diskutiert. Die Inhalte werden in diesem Band zugänglich gemacht.

Ich danke David Ganz für die Initiative, die sehr angenehme Zusammen-arbeit und die fachlich hochstehende inhalt liche Betreuung sowohl der Tagung als auch des vorliegenden Bandes. Herzlicher Dank gilt auch den Referenten, die ihre Beiträge für die Publikation teilweise wesentlich über-arbeitet haben. Für die Mithilfe in der Redaktion und Produktion danke ich Franziska Schnoor, Roland Stieger, Daniela Fetz und Gallus Niedermann und für die Unterstützung der Tagung und der Publikation dem Katholischen Konfessionsteil des Kantons St. Gallen, dem Kunsthistorischen Seminar der Universität Zürich, dem Schweizerischen Nationalfonds, Swisslos | Kanton St. Gallen, dem Historischen Verein des Kantons St. Gallen sowie dem Freun-deskreis der Stiftsbibliothek St. Gallen.

St. Gallen, im Oktober 2017 Cornel Dora, Stiftsbibliothekar

1 Beschreibung von Cod. Sang. 53 in: Anton von Euw, Die St. Galler Buchkunst vom 8. bis zum Ende des 11. Jahr-hunderts, St. Gallen 2008 (Monasterium Sancti Galli, 3), Bd. 1, S. 425–431, Nr. 108.

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Tuotilo caelator, Early Medieval Monastic Metalworking,

and the Precious-Metal Book-Cover of the Evangelium longum

(Cod. Sang. 53)

Joseph Salvatore Ackley

Tuotilo of St Gall – metalworker, ivory-carver, painter, architect, poet, com-poser, and musician – remains the ideal paradigm of the early medieval artist-monk. Witness lists securely document Tuotilo’s presence at St Gall from 895 to 912: in 895 he is listed as presbyter, in 898 as cellerarius, in 902 as sacratarius, and, from 904 onwards, as hospitarius. He is presumed to have died c. 913. An eleventh-century addition to the necrology of St Gall records Tuotilo as Doctor iste nobilis c[a]elatorque fuit (caelator will be defined below).1 Tuotilo’s deeds are narrated, at length and with praise, in the section of the Casus sancti Galli, the monastery’s chronicle, authored by Ekkehart IV of St Gall more than a century after Tuotilo’s death (Ekkehart died c. 1057).2 In one episode of Ekkehart’s Casus, Tuotilo’s abbot, Salomo III, commissions him to carve two distinctively large ivory plaques for use in a precious-metal book-cover, for which Salomo also com-missions an illuminated lectionary. The lectionary and book-cover still exist as Stiftsbibliothek St. Gallen, Cod. Sang. 53 (pls. I–IV), commonly

1 Still foundational for Tuotilo’s biography is Ernst Gerhard Rüsch, Tuotilo, Mönch und Künstler. Beiträge zur Kenntnis seiner Persönlichkeit, St. Gallen 1953 (Mitteilungen zur Vaterländischen Geschichte, 41.1), esp. p. 5–15 and 46–67. See also Johannes Duft, Sankt-Galler Künstler-Mönche im frühen Mittelalter, in: Johannes Duft, Die Abtei St. Gallen, vol. 2: Beiträge zur Kenntnis ihrer Persönlichkeiten, Sigmaringen 1991, p. 221–237, at p. 227–232; Johannes Duft/Rudolf Schnyder, Die Elfenbein-Einbände der Stiftsbibliothek St. Gallen, Beuron 1984 (Kult und Kunst, 7), p. 13–28; Fabrizio Crivello, Tuotilo. L’artista in età carolingia, in: Enrico Castelnuovo (ed.), Artifex bonus. Il mondo dell’artista medievale, Rome 2004, p. 26–34; and Thomas Rainer, Betrüger und Kunstdiplomaten. Mittelalterliche Künstlerkarrieren am Beispiel des Goldschmieds, in: Tobias G. Natter (ed.), Gold. Schatzkunst zwischen Bodensee und Chur, exhibition cata logue, Bregenz, Vorarlberger Landes-museum, Bregenz 2008, p. 34–47, esp. p. 42–44. For analysis of the administrative positions at St Gall, including those occupied by Tuotilo, see Rupert Schaab, Mönch in Sankt Gallen. Zur inneren Geschichte eines frühmittelalterlichen Klosters, Ostfildern 2003 (Vorträge und Forschungen, Sonderband, 47), p. 193–233.

2 The most recent edition is Ekkehart IV, Casus Sancti Galli (St. Galler Klostergeschichten), ed. and transl. by Hans F. Haefele, 5th ed. with an afterword by Steffen Patzold, Darmstadt 2013 (Ausgewählte Quellen zur deutschen Geschichte des Mittelalters, 10). For introductory analysis of the text see ibid., p. 1–14 and 299–315. My translations of Ekkehart’s Casus follow those of Haefele.

Tuotilo Caelator, Early Medieval Monastic Metalworking

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J o S E P H SA L VA T o R E A C K L EY

referred to as the Evangelium longum following Ekkehart’s moniker of ewangeli longi, and it is dated to c. 895.3

This essay asks what information about early medieval metalworking can be generated by analyzing Ekkehart’s Casus and the precious-metal Cod. Sang. 53 book-cover itself, that is, the two monuments most closely related to Tuotilo. The scholarship on Tuotilo and the Casus has typically focused on asking whether Ekkehart’s chronicle should be considered a reliable history or a work of literature adhering to generic conventions. Stated succinctly: Did Tuotilo actually create the book-cover of Cod. Sang. 53, the Evangelium longum, as the Casus narrates? As David Ganz notes, how-ever, such a question is «incorrectly posed.»4 Not only does Ekkehart’s Casus skillfully entwine fact with fiction to create an engaging text, but, I would argue, the question of whether Tuotilo created the Cod. Sang. 53 book-cover is, in the end, somewhat irrelevant. The Casus and the book-cov-er yield two distinct sets of data with little overlap. This essay is thus divid-ed into two sections that will remain separate in both content and method. The Casus, by narrating Tuotilo’s activities as a metalworker, enriches our understanding of early medieval monastic metalworking, while the pre-cious-metal components of Cod. Sang. 53 augment the art historical narra-tive of precious metalwork c. 900.

Precious metalworking via the Casus sancti GalliUnlike post-1200 metalworking, which is well documented by contracts, guild statutes, and other records of economic, administrative, and legal import, the practice of early medieval metalworking must be pieced to-gether from a scattered corpus of correspondence, chronicles, biographies, inventories, charters, and the few extant metalworking treatises, in addi-tion to the archaeological and material evidence.5 One such metalworking

3 The literature on Cod. Sang. 53 is extensive. For the book-cover see, most essentially, Duft/Schnyder, Die Elfenbein-Einbände (note 1), p. 55–93. For the ivory plaques see David Ganz, Buch-Gewänder. Prachteinbän-de im Mittelalter, Berlin 2015, p. 258–289. For the codex as a whole see Anton von Euw, Die St. Galler Buchkunst vom 8. bis zum Ende des 11. Jahrhunderts, St. Gallen 2008 (Monasterium Sancti Galli, 3), vol. 1, p. 154–167 and 425–431, no. 108.

4 Ganz, Buch-Gewänder (note 3), p. 264.5 For early medieval metalworking practices see, most helpfully, Peter Cornelius Claussen, Goldschmiede

des Mittelalters. Quellen zur Struktur ihrer Werkstatt, in: Zeitschrift des Deutschen Vereins für Kunstwissen-schaft 32 (1978), p. 46–86; Elizabeth Coatsworth/Michael Pinder, The Art of the Anglo-Saxon Goldsmith: Fine Metalwork in Anglo-Saxon England: Its Practice and Practitioners, Woodbridge 2002 (Anglo-Saxon Stu-dies, 2); Charles R. Dodwell, Anglo-Saxon Art. A New Perspective, Manchester 1982, p. 44–83; Victor H.

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T U o T I L o C A E L A T o R, E A R LY M E D I E VA L M o NA S T I C M E TA LW o R K I N G

treatise, the remarkably detailed De diversis artibus, written in the 1120s by the Benedictine monk Theophilus, remains the best source for many of the techniques used in pre-1200 metalworking.6 To address larger historical questions, however, Theophilus is best supplemented with texts such as Ekkehart’s Casus.

Tuotilo’s actions within the Casus help illuminate the following aspects of the early medieval metalworker: the mobility and immobility of both metalworker and object; the sourcing of raw materials; the division of la-bor within a metalworking practice; and the presence of both lay and monastic metalworkers within the early medieval monastery. Tuotilo plays a significant role in the Casus, and Ekkehart repeatedly delights in narrating the monk’s adventures, especially when in the company of his beloved companions, Notker Balbulus and Ratpert, a frequently insepara-ble trio who «were of one heart and one soul.»7 All three were trained in the seven liberal arts, including music, which Ekkehart calls the «more original» (naturalior), and also the most difficult, of the liberal arts.8 Their personalities contrast colorfully. Notker, for instance, was physically scrawny but spiritually strong.9 Tuotilo, by contrast, was brave, splendid, physically handsome, strong, and muscular, witty and quick with a joke, practiced in architecture and other manual labors, skilled in music and poetry (in both Latin and the vernacular), and tasked with tutoring the sons of the nobility – and also fervently devout and resolutely chaste, in-deed, a monk who, when alone, wept piously.10

The multi-talented and versatile artist, as exemplified not only by Tuo-tilo but also Bernward of Hildesheim (d. 1022), Thiemo of Salzburg (d. 1101/2), and more, is an established trope of the early Middle Ages.11 In practice, however, metalworkers specialized, generally dividing into those who worked precious metals, such as gold and silver, and those who

Elbern, Die Goldschmiedekunst im frühen Mittelalter, Darmstadt 1988, p. 1–13; Rainer, Betrüger und Kunst-diplomaten (note 1); and Helmut Roth, Kunst und Handwerk im frühen Mittelalter. Archäologische Zeugnisse von Childerich I. bis zu Karl dem Großen, Stuttgart 1986.

6 For recent Theophilus scholarship see Andreas Speer (ed.), Zwischen Kunsthandwerk und Kunst. Die ‹Schedu-la diversarum artium›, Boston 2013 (Miscellanea mediaevalia, 37).

7 Ekkehart IV, Casus (note 2), p. 76–77 (c. 33).8 Ibid., p. 76–77 (c. 33).9 Ibid., p. 78–79 (c. 33).10 Ibid., p. 78–79 (c. 34). On the weeping Tuotilo, see Wojtek Jezierski’s article in this volume.11 See Charles R. Dodwell, Medieval Attitudes to the Artist, in: id., Aspects of Art of the Eleventh and Twelfth

Centuries, London 1996, p. 153–171.

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worked baser metals, such as iron, lead, tin, and copper.12 Such a division into goldsmith (aurifex, aurifaber, among other designations) and black-smith (ferrarius), however, partly obscures what was a variable and locally contingent industry: a flexibility of workshop structure, labor, and mate-rial output should be assumed; the degree of workshop specialization would have varied per the resources and demands of a given locale; and other named specializations, such as silversmiths (fabri argentarium), do arise throughout the historical record.13 Theophilus ideally prescribes a three-roomed workshop, with one room dedicated to working gold, an-other silver, and another for casting and cold-working copper, tin, and lead.14 Monumental bronze-casting, such as that needed for bells and doors, can be considered a more specialized and more occasional enter-prise. At early-ninth-century San Vincenzo al Volturno, for example, the monastic complex included temporary worksites for copper-smelting and bell-casting that were then built over following their use, and also a per-manent four-room collective workshop, with one room devoted to work-ing base metals (Workshop B) and another to precious metalworking, in-cluding enamel production (Workshop A).15 Ekkehart, in the Casus, portrays Tuotilo as a metalworker of gold and silver. Unlike Tanco of St Gall – whose deeds are included in the Gesta Karoli of Notker Balbulus – Tuotilo does not cast bells.16

12 For workshop structure see the sources above in note 5, especially Roth, Kunst und Handwerk (note 5), p. 57–65 and 73–79; Coatsworth/Pinder, Anglo-Saxon Goldsmith (note 5), p. 21–41; and also, for additional literature, Torsten Capelle, Handwerk in der Karolingerzeit, in: Christoph Stiegemann (ed.), 799. Kunst und Kultur der Karolingerzeit. Karl der Große und Papst Leo III. in Paderborn, exhibition catalogue, Paderborn, Erzbischöfliches Diözesanmuseum, Mainz 1999, vol. 3, p. 424–429.

13 The Lex Burgundionum, for example, compiled under Gundobad (r. 474–516), establishes different levels of wergild for goldsmiths, silversmiths, and blacksmiths. Leges Burgundionum, ed. by Ludwig Rudolf von Salis, Hannover 1892 (Monumenta Germaniae Historica. Leges nationum Germanicarum, 2.1), p. 50–51.

14 Theophilus, The Various Arts, ed. and transl. by Charles R. Dodwell [London 1961], repr. Oxford 1986, p. 64–65.

15 See John Mitchell, Monastic Guest Quarters and Workshops: The Example of San Vincenzo al Volturno, in: Hans Rudolf Sennhauser (ed.), Wohn- und Wirtschaftsbauten frühmittelalterlicher Klöster, Zurich 1996, p. 143–155; and, for updated analysis, Richard Hodges/Sarah Leppard/John Mitchell, San Vincenzo Mag-giore and Its Workshops, London 2011 (Archaeological Monographs of the British School at Rome, 17), p. 129–193 and 433–449.

16 For Tanco of St Gall and his deceitful bell-making see Notker Balbulus, Gesta Karoli, ed. by Hans F. Hae-fele, Berlin 1959 (Monumenta Germaniae Historica. Scriptores rerum Germanicarum, NS 12), p. 39 (l. I c. 29); and Rainer, Betrüger und Kunstdiplomaten (note 1), p. 41.

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Ekkehart notes that Tuotilo enjoyed travel – indeed, he was author-ized by the abbot to conduct official business on the monastery’s behalf. He once traveled to Mainz to procure wool fabrics. Once there, the abbot of St Alban, upon learning of Tuotilo’s presence in the city (Tuotilo had whipped and disciplined an errant monk of St Alban), beseeched Tuotilo to stay until he could work the image of a thronum Dei into the «gold plaque of the altar» (in brathea altaris aurea), probably a gold antependi-um.17 The episode serves to demonstrate Tuotilo’s widespread fame as an artist, specifically an artist from St Gall. Any additional details of this con-spicuously spontaneous commission are absent from the Casus.

In Metz, where Tuotilo had traveled to complete a commission, there occurs the famous episode of the miraculous intervention of the Virgin artifex.18 As Ekkehart narrates, one day, while Tuotilo was at work creating an image of the Virgin in gold (Mariae imaginem caelanti) – whether for an antependium or another liturgical furnishing, it cannot be determined – two pilgrims approached the monk asking for alms, which he gave. The pilgrims witnessed a radiant woman (domina illa praeclara) standing next to Tuotilo, expertly guiding his radios to show him where to caelare. Upon leaving, the pilgrims came upon a priest, whom they asked whether the woman they had just seen was perhaps the metalworker’s sister.19 The priest was surprised – he had just seen Tuotilo at work, alone – and he therefore returned with the pilgrims to Tuotilo to investigate the identity of this magistra, now absent. Tuotilo, however, professed ignorance of what they spoke and forbade them from repeating it to others, a command they disobeyed, where upon Tuotilo left Metz in frustration. On the circu-lar gold plaque (in brattea aurea) he had been working, however, Tuotilo had left an empty space encir cling the image of the Virgin, within which was suddenly found inscribed, «The blessed Virgin herself engraved [?] this gift» (Hoc panthema pia caelaverat ipsa Maria).20 This episode fulfills multiple purposes: it follows the conventional tropes of divine justification of figural images in sacred spaces; it affirms the use of luxurious materials for sacred ornamenta; it largely conforms to other early medieval accounts of the Virgin artifex, skilled in architecture, metalworking, and embroidery;

17 Ekkehart IV, Casus (note 2), p. 90–93 (c. 40).18 Ibid., p. 102–103 (c. 45).19 Sed estne soror eius […] domina illa praeclara, quae ei tam commode radios ad manum dat et docet quid faciat? Ibid.,

p. 102–103 (c. 45).20 Ibid.,p. 102–103 (c. 45).

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and it furnishes a miracle story for Tuotilo, who would later be venerated as a saint at St Gall.21

At Constance, Tuotilo is called by Salomo III, who was both abbot of St Gall and bishop of Constance, to assist on a series of commissions. As Ekkehart recounts, Salomo had been visited in Constance by Archbishop Hatto I of Mainz, his dear friend, while the latter was en route to Italy. Hatto entrusted his personal treasury, including reliquaries and pre-cious-metal liturgical objects, to Salomo for safekeeping, with instructions to liquidate and distribute the treasury to the poor should Hatto unex-pectedly die while abroad. Upon Hatto’s departure, however, Salomo, in a striking act of deceit, spread a false rumor announcing Hatto’s death. A portion of Hatto’s treasure went to the poor, while Salomo used the re-mainder, together with gold and gemstones of his own, to commission precious-metal objects for both Constance Cathedral and St Gall. Hatto’s treasury included the gold, gemstones, and uncarved ivory diptych that would be used to create the Cod. Sang. 53 book-cover.22

For Constance Cathedral, Salomo commissioned a large reliquary shrine to house the relics of Pelagius. Salomo began by calling area gold-smiths to the city (fabrorum quoque copia contracta). This shrine can be iden-tified with that which was documented in a 1343 treasury inventory and then melted down in the early modern era. It probably comprised gold, silver, and copper plaques; hundreds of gemstones and pearls; and, on the recto, three figural enamels, probably bust roundels in cloisonné.23 The enamels could have been made locally; or, Salomo could have acquired them while traveling.24 Salomo also commissioned for Constance a size-able precious-metal cross in honor of the Virgin, for which Tuotilo was tasked with the relief work (anaglifas), as Ekkehart emphasizes. Salomo also recycled silver from scrinia of Hatto’s to clad both the cathedral’s Marienaltar and its ambo. Tuotilo was called to partially gild both objects

21 For the Metz episode see Pierre Alain Mariaux, La Vierge dans l’atelier de Tuotilo. De l’artiste médiéval considéré comme un ‹théodidacte›, in: Revue de l’histoire des religions 218 (2001), p. 171–193; Jean-Marie Sansterre, Le moine ciseleur, la vièrge Marie et son image. Un récit d’Ekkehart IV de Saint-Gall, in: Revue Bénédictine 106 (1996), p. 185–191; and Dodwell, Medieval Attitudes (note 11), p. 160–161.

22 Ekkehart IV, Casus (note 2), p. 56–59 (c. 22).23 Ekkehart does not connect Tuotilo by name to the Pelagius shrine. For the shrine see Melanie Prange,

Thesaurus Ecclesiae Constantiensis. Der mittelalterliche Domschatz von Konstanz. Rekonstruktion eines verlorenen Schatzensembles, Aachen 2012, p. 116–138.

24 Ibid., p. 137–138.

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«in the appropriate places» (in locis congruis deaurata), an interesting phrasing most likely referring to partially gilding silver objects not arbitrarily, but per the usual stylistic conventions (for example, gilding hair, clothing, edges, and raised frames while leaving the skin silver).25

Tuotilo’s travels outside of St Gall, plus Salomo’s gathering of gold-smiths to Constance, reinforce the fact that early medieval metalworkers could and did travel to commissions. There is no reason to doubt that monumental precious-metal objects themselves (e.g., antependia or other altar revetments) could also travel.26 A variety of sources attest to the mo-bility of both metalworker and object. For example, in the 1120s, Abbot Geoffrey of St Albans (d. 1146), in England, called in a certain Anketil, who had been heading the royal mint in Denmark and working there as court goldsmith for seven years, and a young lay assistant, Salamon, from Ely, to create a newly commissioned reliquary shrine for the monastery’s titular saint.27 In the Munich Oswald, the Anglo-Saxon king, having ven-tured to a foreign, pagan kingdom to find a wife, is encouraged to dis-guise himself and twelve members of his entourage as goldsmiths, «[…] traveling through foreign lands as is their custom» ( […] und varn durch fremdeu lant nach irm sit).28 Suger of Saint-Denis (d. 1151) famously import-ed Lotharingian metalworkers to create a monumental cross-foot and decorate it specifically with enamel.29 Skilled monastic metalworkers, such as Tuotilo, could be leant out to churches and monasteries in exchange for an appropriate compensation. Such commissions would be arranged in advance via written correspondence between patrons or the metalworkers themselves.30

25 Ekkehart IV, Casus (note 2), p. 56–59 (c. 22).26 See the examples gathered in Dodwell, Anglo-Saxon Art (note 5), p. 58–68.27 Thomas Walsingham, Gesta Abbatum Monasterii Sancti Albani, vol. 1: A.D. 793–1290, ed. by Henry Thomas

Riley [London 1867], repr. Nendeln 1965 (Rerum Britannicarum Medii Aevi Scriptores, 28.4), p. 83–87. Discussed in Charles R. Dodwell, Seculars in Monasteries, in: id., Aspects of Art of the Eleventh and Twelfth Centuries, London 1996, p. 173.

28 The Munich Oswald has been dated variously between c. 1170 and the fifteenth century. See Michael Curschmann (ed.), Der Münchner Oswald, Tübingen 1974 (Altdeutsche Textbibliothek, 76), p. 109; and, for an English translation, J. W. Thomas, The Strassburg Alexander and the Munich Oswald: Pre-Courtly Adven-ture of the German Middle Ages, Columbia 1989 (Studies in German Literature, Linguistics, and Culture, 44), p. 104. Discussed in Claussen, Goldschmiede des Mittelalters (note 5), p. 49–50.

29 Suger of Saint-Denis, Abbot Suger on the Abbey Church of St.-Denis and Its Art Treasures [1946], ed. and transl. by Erwin Panofsky, 2nd ed., Princeton 1979, p. 56–61.

30 Claussen, Goldschmiede des Mittelalters (note 5), p. 50–51.

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An early medieval monastery would have also employed, directly or indi-rectly, a number of lay craftsmen, including metalworkers.31 Benedict of Aniane (d. 821) sought to better incorporate the activity of such skilled lay-men into the life of the monastery; this included placing a monk at the head of each workshop. A monk skilled in metalworking, such as Tuotilo, might focus on creating luxury objects, some specifically made for export, while directing lay metalworkers working on more mundane objects.32 Abbot Adalhard of Corbie (d. 827), writing in 822, mentions 150 provendarii, unfree or half-free laborers for the abbey, organized under the supervision of a mo-nastic camerarius, or chamberlain, including two goldsmiths (aurifices), six blacksmiths (fabri grossarii), and three bronze-casters (fusarii).33 Such a work-shop structure is present in the ideal monastery pictured in the 820s Plan of St Gall. To the south of the abbey church stands a cluster of workshops, in-cluding, in a separate annex, those for goldsmiths (aurifices) and blacksmiths (fabri ferramentorum), with their living quarters (eorundem mansiunculae) at-tached to the rear of each workshop (fig. 1). The entire workshop complex is accessible by a single entrance: to enter and exit, metalworkers had to pass through the quarters and workshop of the chamberlain (domus et officina camerarii), the monk who bore ultimate responsibility for their output.34 Or, lay goldsmiths might cluster just outside the monastic precinct along-side other monastery-dependent craftsmen. At St Riquier in Centula, for example, approximately 2,500 laypeople had grouped themselves by pro-fession into particular streets surrounding the abbey by 831. In the absence of local talent a monastery could import and resettle specialized craftsmen.35

31 For early medieval monastic luxury and craft production see Fred Schwind, Zu karolingerzeitlichen Klöstern als Wirtschaftsorganismen und Stätten handwerklicher Tätigkeit, in: Lutz Fenske/Werner Rö-sener/Thomas Zotz (eds.), Institutionen, Kultur und Gesellschaft im Mittelalter. Festschrift für Josef Fleckenstein zu seinem 65. Geburtstag, Sigmaringen 1984, p. 101–123. For lay craftsmen in monastic employ see also Dodwell, Anglo-Saxon Art (note 5), p. 67–69.

32 Schwind, Zu karolingerzeitlichen Klöstern (note 31), p. 114–115.33 See Adalhard of Corbie, Consuetudines Corbeienses, ed. by Josef Semmler, in: Kassius Hallinger (ed.), Con-

suetudines saeculi octavi et noni, Siegburg 1963 (Corpus Consuetudinum Monasticarum, 1), p. 365–367; Rainer, Betrüger und Kunstdiplomaten (note 1), p. 41–42; and Schwind, Zu karolingerzeitlichen Klöstern (note 31), p. 112. I follow Schwind in translating fusarius as «bronze-caster»; Charles W. Jones translates fusarius as «carpenter.» See The Customs of Corbie. Consuetudines Corbeiensis, ed. and transl. by Charles W. Jones, in: Walter Horn/Ernest Born, The Plan of St. Gall: A Study of the Architecture & Economy of, & Life in a Paradigma-tic Carolingian Monastery, Berkeley 1979 (California Studies in the History of Art, 19), vol. 3, p. 102–103.

34 For this section of the Plan of St. Gall see esp. Horn/Born, Plan of St. Gall (note 33), vol. 2, p. 189–199; Roth, Kunst und Handwerk (note 5), p. 61–62; and Schwind, Zu karolingerzeitlichen Klöstern (note 31), p. 106–116.

35 See Hariulf of Oudenburg, Chronique de l’Abbaye de Saint-Riquier (Ve siècle – 1104), ed. by Ferdinand Lot,

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A hierarchy of labor clearly emerges from Ekkehart’s descriptions of Tuotilo’s commissions. Tuotilo, as a master metalworker, does not create the entire object, but instead intervenes only to execute the object’s most im-portant areas, usually the main figural image, such as the enthroned Virgin at Metz. As Peter Cornelius Claussen observes, it is not until the thirteenth century, a century well populated with prosperous urban metalworkers beginning to organize themselves into guilds, that a pronounced hierarchy of workshop labor can be firmly documented in administrative records.36 For example, one metalworker might specialize in filigree and another in cast decoration, and the master would intervene to hammer or cast the primary figural imagery. Ekkehart’s Casus clearly foreshadows this coming hierarchical organization and differentiation of goldsmith labor.

The primary vocabulary Ekkehart uses to describe Tuotilo’s work in both precious-metal and ivory – sculptura, sculpere, caelare, and anaglyphus – is ambiguous yet informative. Salomo gives the polished ivory plaques to «our Tuotilo» sculpendam, «to be carved.»37 The ivory diptych taken from Hatto’s treasury that was already carved (the ivories of Cod. Sang. 60) is described as already being cum sculptura.38 Sculpere does not occur in con-junction with any of Tuotilo’s metalworking. Within Ekkehart’s Casus, therefore, sculpere signals a subtractive and, given its ivory medium, irre-versible process of sculpture.

The medieval Latin caelare tends to be translated interchangeably as the process of engraving, carving, incising, chiseling, chasing, sculpting, or hammering, the latter two specifically in low-relief repoussé. While a static definition of caelare must not be assumed, it does not, importantly, appear to denote high-relief or fully plastic sculpture in the round. Ernst Gerhard Rüsch defines caelare via the Glossae Salomonis, a c. 900 copy of which survives in the Stiftsbibliothek St. Gallen as Cod. Sang. 905: A caelator is «a sculptor who depresses (deprimit) signs into pure silver by beating from without; [the word] comes from caelum (= ‹chisel›), which is a type of iron tool.»39 From this Rüsch interprets caelare broadly, applying it to work in

Paris 1894 (Collection de textes pour servir à l’étude et l’enseignement de l’histoire, 17), p. 306–308; and Schwind, Zu karolingerzeitlichen Klöstern (note 31), p. 115–117.

36 Claussen, Goldschmiede des Mittelalters (note 5), p. 58–79.37 […] Tuotiloni nostro politam tradidit sculpendam. Ekkehart IV, Casus (note 2), p. 58 (c. 22).38 Ibid.39 […] sculptor, qui in argento puro extrinsecus fractu signa deprimit, e celo descendens quod est genus ferramenti. Cited

and translated in Rüsch, Tuotilo (note 1), p. 13–14.

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metal and other media, especially ivory, given the historical importance of the Cod. Sang. 53 ivories. Ekkehart, however, uses caelare only in conjunction with metalworking. I would suggest that the eleventh-century addition to the necrology listing Tuotilo as Doctor iste nobilis c[a]elatorque fuit, mentioned above, memorializes the monk for posterity less as a sculptor of all media and more as a sculptor of precious metal, that is, a metal worker, the most esteemed of medieval artists.

In Mainz, the abbot of St Alban implored Tuotilo to stay «[…] until he had caelaret a Throne of God in the gold altar sheet.» The resulting ana-glipha («relief») was still admired in Ekkehart’s day.40 In Metz, the letters of the inscription miraculously added by the Virgin in brattea aurea are caelati, and the inscription itself notes that the Virgin herself caelaverat this holy gift.41 Ekkehart’s language tends to distinguish between a gilded surface and one of pure gold; the brattea aurea in Metz, therefore, can be accepted as gold, not silver-gilt. Repoussé relief was the dominant tech-nique for working images in gold in Late Carolingian and Ottonian pre-cious metalwork; the decoration of the Mainz and Metz objects, therefore, was most probably repoussé, including the letters of the Metz inscription. Engraving and chasing, when applied without repoussé, are more likely to be found in silver or copper-alloy (although they can also occur in gold). While it does not surprise that caelare can signal both engraving and chas-ing (given the visual similarity of the two techniques), its accommodation of repoussé as well suggests that caelare is best defined as creating a low-relief or similarly textured image in metal.

The Cod. Sang. 53 book-cover and precious metalwork c. 900Few examples of Continental precious metalwork survive from the years around 900. These decades (c. 890–c. 920) represent a moment of relative political vacuum between the last Carolingians and the first Ottonians, as well as, correspondingly, a nadir within precious metalwork’s already frag-mentary material record.42 The c. 895 precious-metal book-cover of Cod.

40 Rogaturque ibi morari, usque dum thronum Dei in brathea altaris aurea caelaret. Cui simile anaglipham raro usque hodie videre est alteram. Ekkehart IV, Casus (note 2), p. 90 (c. 40). Ekkehart also uses anaglyphus to denote the reliefs Tuotilo made for the cross at Constance: Crucem etiam illam honorandam sanctae Mariae, Tuotilo-ne nostro anaglifas parante, ex eodem auro et gemmis mirificavit. Ibid., p. 56 (c. 22).

41 In brattea autem ipsa aurea, cum reliquisset circuli planitiem vacuam, nescio cuius arte postea caelati sunt apices: Hoc panthema pia caelaverat ipsa Maria. Ibid., p. 102 (c. 45).

42 For Late Carolingian through early Ottonian metalwork see Peter Lasko, Ars Sacra, 800–1200, 2nd ed.,

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Sang. 53, therefore, serves as a rare yet eloquent witness of contemporary stylistic trends. It can be productively considered alongside select other precious-metal survivals from c. 900, namely, the early-tenth-century ob-jects associated with the court of Berengar I (d. 924) and preserved at Mon-za, especially the so-called Berengar Cross and the book-cover of the Beren-gar Sacramentary.43 The Cod. Sang. 53 book-cover, together with the Mon-za objects, bridge two important nodes of early medieval metalworking – mid-ninth-century Northern Italy and mid-tenth-century Lotharingia – and they ultimately help reinforce the status of North Italy as a continued stimulus for both Carolingian and early Ottonian metalwork. North Italy at this time remains art historically crucial, however its thin material re-cord frustrates attempts to reconstruct its role with certainty.44

Johannes Duft and Rudolf Schnyder’s 1984 analysis of the Cod. Sang. 53 book-cover remains largely authoritative regarding the metalwork.45 Front and back cover are similar: four wide strips of pure-gold sheet, each edged with twisted wire, surround a centrally inlaid ivory, all covering an oak core; the side edges of both covers were also originally covered by thin gold strips (pls. I–VIII).46 The front cover, as is typical, is more sumptuous and more three-dimensional than the back. The front’s gold strips contain

New Haven 1994, p. 34–66 and 76–110; and Elbern, Goldschmiedekunst (note 5), p. 14–99. For Continental sculpture, painting, and metalwork c. 900 see Christoph Winterer, Licht und Salz. Hatto I. als Stifter von Kunstwerken und die Kunst um 900, in: Winfried Wilhelmy (ed.), Glanz der späten Karolinger. Hatto I. Erzbischof von Mainz (891–913). Von der Reichenau in den Mäuseturm, exhibition catalogue, Mainz, Bischöf-liches Dom- und Diözesanmuseum Mainz, Regensburg 2013, p. 66–83.

43 For the ninth- and tenth-century metalwork preserved at Monza see Lasko, Ars Sacra (note 42), p. 42–50; Margaret Frazer, Oreficerie altomedievali, in: Roberto Conti (ed.), Il Duomo di Monza. I tesori, 2nd ed., Milan 1990, p. 15–48, esp. p. 40–48; and Elbern, Goldschmiedekunst (note 5), p. 68–72. For the Berengar Cross see Matthias Puhle (ed.), Otto der Große. Magdeburg und Europa, exhibition catalogue, Magdeburg, Kulturhistori-sches Museum, Mainz 2001, vol. 2, p. 406–408, no. VI.9; and Frazer, Oreficerie altomedievali, p. 43–45. For the Berengar Sacramentary see Frazer, Oreficerie altomedievali, p. 45; and Frauke Steenbock, Der kirchliche Prachteinband im frühen Mittelalter, von den Anfängen bis zum Beginn der Gotik, Berlin 1965, p. 101–102, no. 25.

44 For the role of North Italy in Carolingian and Ottonian metalwork see Adriano Peroni, Die Kunst Mai-lands und Oberitaliens im 10. Jahrhundert. Elfenbein, Plastik, Goldschmiedekunst, in: Zeitschrift des Deutschen Vereins für Kunstwissenschaft 58 (2004), p. 197–223; Michael Peter, Zu den Anfängen der ottoni-schen Goldschmiedekunst in Lothringen, in: Zeitschrift des Deutschen Vereins für Kunstwissenschaft 58 (2004), p. 224–239; Hermann Fillitz, Die europäischen Wurzeln der ottonischen Kunst in Sachsen, in: Bernd Schneidmüller/Stefan Weinfurter (eds.), Ottonische Neuanfänge, Mainz 2001, esp. p. 326–343; Lasko, Ars Sacra (note 42), p. 42–50, 63–66 and 81–90; and Elbern, Goldschmiedekunst (note 5), p. 47–72.

45 Duft/Schnyder, Elfenbein-Einbände (note 1), p. 55–93.46 Lasko and Steenbock incorrectly refer to the book-cover as silver-gilt. Lasko, Ars Sacra (note 42), p. 65;

and Steenbock, Der kirchliche Prachteinband (note 43), p. 98.

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mounted gemstones, filigree, and repoussé palmettes, those of the back repoussé palmettes only, although the back’s corners are occupied by square compartments, the bottom two of which contain two thirteenth- century nielloed plaques.47

This recto/verso hierarchy extends to the iconography of the two ivories: a Maiestas Domini, among other images, occupies the front ivory, an Assump-tion of the Virgin the back. The ivories show both stylistic and iconographic influences from the Court School of Charles the Bald, late-ninth-century Metz, and c. 800 Italy.48 Interestingly, the stylistic sources for the ivories and the metalwork of Cod. Sang. 53 show no geographic overlap. Although precious metalwork from the Court School of Charles the Bald, such as the front cover of the Lindau Gospels, was present at St Gall during the time of Tuotilo, the precious-metal components of Cod. Sang. 53 resonate more strongly with North Italian metalwork, to be discussed below.49

Ekkehart narrates in detail the making of Cod. Sang. 53. As discussed above, Hatto of Mainz, on a trip to Italy, entrusted his personal treasury to Salomo, who in turn used part of it to commission his own gifts to Con-stance. To St Gall Salomo gave two ivory diptychs, one diptych already carved (and accepted to be that cladding Cod. Sang. 60), the other polished and smooth. Salomo asked Tuotilo to carve the smooth diptych and the scribe Sintram to write and paint an appropriately sized manuscript; Salo-mo himself illuminated two of the manuscript’s initials with silver and gold. The manuscript’s precious binding was completed with gold and gemstones from Hatto’s treasury.50 It is securely documented elsewhere that Hatto took two trips as archbishop to Italy with King Arnulf (d. 899) in 894 and 895–896, both of which fall within Salomo’s abbacy (890–919). Dendro-chronologically, the oak cores of Cod. Sang. 53 date to 888±6, which accords well enough with the dates yielded by the Casus.51

The c. 895 dating of Cod. Sang. 53 is further strengthened by the inscrip-tion on the side gold strip of the back cover: ad ista[m] paratura[m] Amata

47 Anton von Euw dates the plaques, which show the symbols of Luke and Mark, to the thirteenth century, and he suggests that the four compartments could have originally contained cloisonné enamels. Von Euw, Buchkunst (note 3), p. 426.

48 For the ivories, including their relationship to the c. 800 North Italian ivories on Cod. Sang. 60, see Ganz, Buch-Gewänder (note 3), p. 258–289.

49 For the Lindau Gospels book-cover see most recently Ganz, Buch-Gewänder (note 3), p. 131–148.50 Ekkehart IV, Casus (note 2), p. 56–58 (c. 22).51 Duft/Schnyder, Elfenbein-Einbände (note 1), p. 80–81.

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dedit duodec[im] denarios, «Amata gave twelve denarii for this decoration» (this inscription is an example of engraving or chasing in gold). The name AMATA also appears in gold uncials at the top of p. 199, after which the abbreviation «A» appears at the top of p. 200–233. Amata’s donation helped finance the completion of the manuscript. Amata is otherwise docu-mented by a St Gall charter dated 13 December 903 confirming the donation of property at Lenggenwil by her and her husband Winihart to the hospital at St Gall.52 Ekkehart does not mention Amata, however she is the only do-nor or artist named by either the manuscript or the book-cover themselves.

Ekkehart does not name Tuotilo explicitly as the metalworker who adorns the book auro et gemmis Hattonis. Such an assumption, which is shared by most of the literature, is plausible; an attribution of the pre-cious-metal frames to an anonymous St Gall metalworker, however, is equally plausible. Indeed, Peter Lasko, noting the style of the rear frame, attributes it not to Tuotilo but simply to a «North Italian goldsmith» at St Gall.53

The metalwork of the front and back covers is not coeval, as Frauke Steenbock observed in 1965.54 That of the rear cover is original, that of the front later. The disparate dating of front and rear metalwork, however, results most conclusively not from a stylistic analysis, but, in my opinion, one of archaeology: on the back cover, the nail holes of the wood core align with those of the gold strips, whereas, on the front cover, the wood core contains extra nail holes beyond those currently used to secure its gold strips, indicating an earlier, original set of metal strips. Duft and Schnyder also argue that, on the front, the bottom gold strip possibly predates the other three: it is slightly wider, and, whereas the repoussé palmettes of the other three strips are cut and soldered to square sheets of metal, which are then nailed to the underlying gold strips (fig. 2), the metal sheets to which the bottom strip’s two palmettes are soldered roughly follow each pal-mette’s contour (fig. 3).55

Just by how much the front cover’s metalwork postdates the c. 895 met-alwork of the rear remains difficult to determine. Stylistically, the repoussé

52 For Amata see von Euw, Buchkunst (note 3), p. 162; and Duft/Schnyder, Elfenbein-Einbände (note 1), p. 60.53 Lasko, Ars Sacra (note 42), p. 65.54 The book-cover’s 1972 conservation, on which Duft and Schnyder base their analysis, postdates

Steenbock’s publication, which incorrectly argues that the precious metalwork of the front is original, that of the back later, see Steenbock, Der kirchliche Prachteinband (note 43), p. 98–100, no. 23.

55 Duft/Schnyder, Elfenbein-Einbände (note 1), p. 75–93.

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palmettes do differ between front and back: the front cover’s foliage is softer, fleshier, and simpler than that of the back; the front palmettes are square-shaped, those on the back rectangular; and, on the front, the same foliate motif basically repeats itself, whereas the rear foliage was hammered from three distinctly different molds (compare the five palmettes running along either of the vertical sides [fig. 4] ). In my opinion, however, on style alone the vegetal decoration of both front and back is too general to be dated more narrowly than the mid-ninth through late eleventh centuries.

To possibly narrow the dating of the front cover’s metalwork one may consider the form and style of its gemstone-mountings. There were origi-nally sixty mounted gemstones, twelve large stones each surrounded by four smaller diagonally disposed «satellite stones.» The original gem-stone-mountings, of which slightly more than half survive, were gold; the later replacement mountings are either silver or copper-alloy. Duft and Schnyder diagram ten mounting-types total (fig. 5). Mountings A and B are original, and they comprise small arcades of pearled gold wire, upon which sit two rings of pearled gold connected by individually soldered gold spheres. Each mounting follows the contour of the gemstone. Mounting A’s gemstone is further secured with small three-fingered claws extending up onto the gemstone.56 Even Mountings A and B, however, can only be dated generally, mostly because their individual components – the arcades, gold spheres, claw grips, and stone-specific contours – are common to Late Carolingian and Ottonian metalwork.

The simultaneous use, however, of claw grips, gold spheres, a pearled-wire arcade, and a stone-specific contour in a single mounting is rare. Be-yond Mounting A of Cod. Sang. 53, such a mounting occurs in Carolingian and Ottonian metalwork only on the eight plaques of the body of the Re-ichskrone. Consider, for example, the large sapphire mountings of the rear central plaque, or Nackenplatte (fig. 6), although even these are not identi-cal to that on Cod. Sang. 53: the Reichskrone mountings rest their pearled-wire rings on thin columnar tubes of gold sheet, not arcades, and the mountings’ gold spheres are more widely spaced.57 For the main body of the Reichskrone, including the gemstone-mountings, I follow Michael Peter and accept a dating of c. 960–980; a North Italian workshop seems more plausible than a West German.58 This dating, however, suggests only a gen-

56 For additional diagrams see ibid., p. 85–93.57 Ibid., p. 86–88.58 Both the arch and cross of the Reichskrone are later additions: the arch dates to the imperial reign of Con-

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eral date for Cod. Sang. 53’s Mounting A and the front overall – indeed, Duft and Snyder observe that many of the gemstone-mountings found in Ottonian metalwork are in fact reused and thus predate their host ob-jects.59 Stylistic analysis of the Cod. Sang. 53 gemstone-mountings, there-fore, broadly suggests the latter half of the tenth century, and I accept a date of c. 950–1000 for the Cod. Sang. 53 front-cover metalwork.60

An episode that should not be factored into the dating of the front cov-er’s metalwork, however, occurs in late 954 and is narrated in the Casus. Ekkehart recounts how Abbot Craloh of St Gall, who had been exiled from the monastery for almost two years, returned to St Gall in the company of Bishop Ulrich of Augsburg. Upon their reception, a monk, Victor, whose feud with Craloh had originally led to the abbot’s flight, proffered Ulrich the ewangelium to be kissed, but then immediately retreated to keep the book from Craloh. Ulrich, however, grabbed Victor by the hair and spun him around, at which Victor threw the ewangelium over his shoulder to the ground. Ulrich picked up the book and offered it to Craloh to kiss, after which Craloh carried it to the altar.61 Though not explicitly named by Ek-kehart, it has been assumed that Cod. Sang. 53, being suitably deluxe, was the ewangelium used in this episode. Duft and Schnyder argue that Victor’s toss of the book damaged the bottom front of Cod. Sang. 53, thus necessi-tating the replacement of the bottom strip, after which the other three front-cover strips were replaced for the sake of uniformity. That the metal-worker of the front cover did not simply reproduce the repoussé palmettes of the back is explained by St Gall having lost its workshops in the large fire of 937; the book-cover therefore had to be sent to another monastery, per-

rad II (r. 1027–1039) and the cross, a replacement for an original, larger cross, to the reign of Henry II (r. 1002–1024). For literature on the crown, including alternate attributions, see Matthias Puhle/Gab-riele Köster (eds.), Otto der Große und das Römische Reich. Kaisertum von der Antike zum Mittelalter, exhibition catalogue, Magdeburg, Kulturhistorisches Museum, Regensburg 2012, p. 560–563, no. V.9; Sybille E. Eckenfels-Kunst, Goldemails. Untersuchungen zu ottonischen und frühsalischen Goldzellenschmelzen, Berlin 2008, p. 122–169 and 342–347, no. 55; Rainer Kahsnitz, Ottonische Emails. Zum Stand der Forschung, in: Zeitschrift des Deutschen Vereins für Kunstwissenschaft 52/53 (1998/1999), p. 121–125; and Lasko, Ars Sacra (note 42), p. 81–88.

59 Duft/Schnyder, Elfenbein-Einbände (note 1), p. 88.60 The front cover’s replacement silver and copper-alloy gemstone-mountings probably date to the thir-

teenth century and later. Cod. Sang. 53 underwent at least two rigorous restorations, one before 1461, the other in the eighteenth century. It assumed its current appearance by 1827. Ibid., p. 90–93.

61 Ekkehart IV, Casus (note 2), p. 152–154 (c. 74).

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haps Reichenau, for the repairs.62 While theoretically possible, Duft and Schnyder’s over-extrapolation from the Casus is methodologically untena-ble. The specific occasion for replacing the metalwork of Cod. Sang. 53’s front cover cannot be known, although the most probable explanation is perhaps a donation of gemstones to the monastery, which would have prompted the redesign of the front cover.63 Despite the 937 fire, I see no reason why the front’s metalwork could not have been made at St Gall itself.

Thus dated and localized, the Cod. Sang. 53 book-cover helps connect ninth-century North Italian metalwork with that of tenth-century Lothar-ingia, a fitting role given St Gall’s geography. Most distinct is the repoussé technique used on both covers of Cod. Sang. 53, in which the vegetal motifs are first hammered, then cut from their sheet, then edged with pearled wire to reinforce their contour, and then soldered to a new ground sheet. This technique is exceptionally rare.64 It first appears on the silver-gilt verso of the c. 850 Gold Altar of Sant’Ambrogio in the repoussé foliage inhabiting the decorative cloisonné-enamel frames; the style of this foliage also recalls that of the c. 895 rear cover of Cod. Sang. 53. The Milan altar, whose figural dec-oration includes the much debated portrait of its creator Wolvinius, labeled magist[er] phaber, bowing before Ambrose, is, as Victor Elbern observes, a de facto digest of the materials and techniques of Carolingian metalwork, and also a curiously isolated monument within the extant record, lacking both immediate predecessors and successors.65 Its stylistic progeny must there-fore be sought via individual motifs, forms, and techniques. The cut-, edged-, and soldered-repoussé foliage of the Cod. Sang. 53 rear, for example, reappears in tenth-century Lotharingian metalwork, most notably in the large repoussé vegetal plaques, some of which terminate in beasts, of the Sion Gospels book-cover (figs. 7–8). The Sion book-cover is tentatively dated by Lasko to c. 922–937 (the silver-gilt repoussé Christ is a twelfth- or ear-ly-thirteenth-century replacement).66 Also related to the Sion book-cover’s

62 Duft/Schnyder, Elfenbein-Einbände (note 1), p. 60–61 and 88–90.63 I thank David Ganz for this suggestion.64 Lasko, Ars Sacra (note 42), p. 65 and 84.65 For the altar see Carlo Capponi (ed.), L’Altare d’Oro di Sant’Ambrogio, Milan 1996; Lasko, Ars Sacra (note

42), p. 42-50; and Elbern, Goldschmiedekunst (note 5), p. 47–72. For the identity of Wolvinius, whom I consider to be the altar’s master metalworker, see esp. Sandrina Bandera, L’Altare di Sant’Ambrogio: Indagine storico-artistica, in: Carlo Capponi (ed.), L’Altare d’Oro di Sant’Ambrogio, Milan 1996, p. 98–102; and Elbern, Goldschmiedekunst (note 5), p. 57–67.

66 Lasko dates the frame of the book-cover in part from the regnal dates of Rudolf II of Burgundy, who, according to tradition, donated the evangeliary to Sion. Duft and Schnyder, however, date the book-

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repoussé and filigreed plaques, in technique, style, and iconography, are the two reused repoussé «brooches,» each surrounding a mounted gemstone, that were applied to the recto of the c. 1000–1050 Petrischrein in Minden; these brooches are dated, also tenuously, to c. 900–950.67

Tenth-century Lotharingian metalwork suddenly blooms c. 977–993 in the form of the workshop operating under Archbishop Egbert in Trier, whose products frequently incorporate cloisonné enamel of a distinctively non-figural design. Although pre-Egbert Lotharingian metalwork hardly survives, the Egbertwerkstatt, as Peter argues, must have arisen from preex-isting metalworking traditions.68 The traces of these Lotharingian tradi-tions consist primarily of the Vollschmelz cloisonné enamels of the c. 922–937 Sion book-cover and those of the chalice, paten, and book-cover asso-ciated with Bishop Gauzelin of Toul and broadly dated to his episcopacy, c. 922–962. These enamels, especially those of the Gauzelin objects, ulti-mately stem stylistically from some of the Vollschmelz cloisonné enamels of the Gold Altar of Sant’Ambrogio. The use of thin strips of corrugated gold sheet on the Gauzelin chalice also recalls the similarly decorative use of corrugated gold sheet on the Milan altar.69

Taken together, these objects – the Cod. Sang. 53 book-cover; the Reichs krone; the pre-Egbert metalwork in Lotharingia; and the early tenth-century Berengar objects at Monza – reorient attention to the role played by North Italy in Carolingian and early Ottonian metalwork. At the earlier boundary of this network lies the Milan altar, as well as, from out-side Italy, the precious metalwork from the Court School of Charles the

cover’s frame to the later tenth century. Kahsnitz notes that the book-cover’s enamels are unusual in color and opacity for Carolingian and Ottonian enamel, and he considers Lasko’s dating conspicuously early. Sybille Eckenfels-Kunst dates the enamels to c. 980–1000 but does not analyze the repoussé metalwork. David Buckton dates the enamels to the twelfth or thirteenth centuries, coeval with the repoussé Christ. See Eckenfels-Kunst, Goldemails (note 58), p. 282–283, n0. 27; Kahsnitz, Ottonische Emails (note 58), p. 128; Lasko, Ars Sacra (note 42), p. 84–87; Duft/Schnyder, Elfenbein-Einbände (note 1), p. 86; David Buckton, Vorläufige Ergebnisse einer optischen Untersuchung des Emails der Krone, in: Ferenc Fülep (ed.), Studien zur Machtsymbolik des mittelalterlichen Ungarn, Budapest 1983 (Insignia Regni Hungariae, 1), p. 135–136; and Steenbock, Der kirchliche Prachteinband (note 43), p. 140–141, no. 55.

67 The dating of these two brooches depends on that of the Sion book-cover’s repoussé plaques. See Chris-toph Stiegemann/Martin Kroker (eds.), Für Königtum und Himmelreich. 1000 Jahre Bischof Meinwerk von Paderborn, exhibition catalogue, Paderborn, Erzbischöfliches Diözesanmuseum, Regensburg 2009, p. 459–460, no. 186.

68 Peter, Zu den Anfängen (note 44).69 For the Gauzelin objects see Peter, Zu den Anfängen (note 44), p. 224–239; as well as Puhle/Köster (eds.),

Otto der Große (note 58), p. 606–607, no. V.31; and Lasko, Ars Sacra (note 42), p. 84.

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Bald, which heavily informs many of these objects (although not, as noted above, the precious-metal covers of Cod. Sang. 53). The stylistic connec-tions between these objects are multiple and partial, and yet never more than one or two objects apart, which collectively suggests a fertile transal-pine exchange of metalwork and metalworkers.

Adriano Peroni speculates that tenth-century Northern Italian metal-work could represent an «unbroken tradition» with that of the ninth century, and perhaps before. Precious metalwork in Milan and Monza, unlike Northern European monastic output, was created by urban metal-workers.70 While Northern metalworking may have been fractured by the political fragmentation of the Carolingians, that of Northern Italy could have continued into the tenth century with relative stability, ready to be drawn upon, and even exported, by Otto I and his elite once their political activity extended south of the Alps towards Rome. The art historical nar-rative of early medieval precious metalwork may remain tenuous due to the paucity of evidence – although, as has been shown, the Cod. Sang. 53 book-cover serves as a useful vector of ninth-century traditions continu-ing into the tenth and beyond – and yet the outstanding questions high-lighted here grab attention (the objects preserved at Monza in particular would benefit from renewed scrutiny). Hans Belting, in 1967, famously posed the «Italian Question» when considering the role(s) possibly played by Italy in eighth- through tenth-century Continental transalpine art.71 For metalwork, at least, such a question resonates still.

70 Peroni, Die Kunst Mailands (note 44), p. 217.71 Hans Belting, Probleme der Kunstgeschichte Italiens im Frühmittelalter, in: Frühmittelalterliche Studien 1

(1967), p. 95–98.

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Abbildungen

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Abbildungsnachweis

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A B B I L D U N G S N A C H W E I S

TA F E L T E I L

Taf. I, II, V, VI: Achim Bednorz KölnTaf. IX: Stiftsarchiv St. Gallen

1 – G A N Z

Figs. 1, 2: Pierpont Morgan Library New YorkFig. 5: Carlo Capponi (ed.), L’altare d’oro di Sant’Ambrogio, Mailand 1996, p. 34

5 – S C H M U K I

Abb. 1, 2: Stiftsarchiv St. Gallen, Foto: Urs Baumann

6 – S C H M U K I

Abb. 1, 2, 4: Stiftsbibliothek St. Gallen, Foto: Urs BaumannAbb. 3, 9: Katholischer Konfessionsteil des Kantons St. Gallen, Foto: Urs BaumannAbb. 5: Foto: David GanzAbb. 6: Fürstlich Leiningische Verwaltung Amorbach, Foto: Hans Hechtfischer, KlingenbergAbb. 7, 8: Landesdenkmalpflege Baden-Württemberg

7 – S C H A A B

Abb. 1: Stiftsarchiv St. GallenAbb. 2: Stiftsbibliothek Einsiedeln (http://www.e-codices.unifr.ch)

1 2 – A C K L EY

Fig. 5: Johannes Duft/Rudolf Schnyder, Die Elfenbein-Einbände der Stifts-bibliothek St. Gallen, Beuron 1984 (Kult und Kunst, 7), p. 91Fig. 6: © KHM-Museumsverband, WienFigs. 7, 8: © Victoria and Albert Museum, London

1 3 – T R I N K S

Abb. 1: Alberto Busignani, Die Heroen von Riace. Krieger aus dem Meer, Frankfurt a.M. 1982, Taf. 3Abb. 2: Viktor H. Elbern, Vier karolingische Elfenbeinkästen. Historische, symbolische und liturgische Elemente in der spätkarolingischen Kunst, in: Zeitschrift des Deutschen Vereins für Kunstwissenschaft 20 (1966), S. 10Abb. 5, 7, 9, 16, 18: Foto: Stefan Trinks, BerlinAbb. 6, 11: Florentine Mütherich/Joachim E. Gaehde, Carolingian Painting, New York 1976, S. 100 und 118

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A B B I L D U N G S N A C H W E I S

Abb. 8: Bibliothèque nationale de France, ParisAbb. 10: Foto: Rainer Kahsnitz, Berlin

1 4 – C R I V E L L o

Abb. 1, 2, 3, 15, 16: Bayerische Staatsbibliothek, München (<https://bildsuche.digitalesammlungen.de>)Abb. 4: Bibliothèque nationale de France, Paris (<http://gallica.bnf.fr>)Abb. 5, 7, 8: Universitätsbibliothek Innsbruck (<http://manuscripta.at>)Abb. 9, 10, 11, 12: Stiftsbibliothek Einsiedeln (<http://www.e-codices.unifr.ch>)Abb. 13: Bibliothèque Municipale Reims (<http://gallica.bnf.fr>)Abb. 14: Pierpont Morgan Library New York (<http://ica.themorgan.org>)Abb. 17, 18: Public Library, New York (<https://digitalcollections.nypl.org>)

15 – W E I N RY B

Fig. 2: Photo: Ittai Weinryb, New York

Alle anderen: Stiftsbibliothek St. Gallen

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Kurzbiografien

Joseph Salvatore Ackleyis currently Term Assistant Professor of Art History at Barnard College. A specialist of medieval metalwork, he received his doctorate from the Insti-tute of Fine Arts in 2014 with a dissertation on Ottonian gold repoussé and the medieval church treasury. Additional research interests include figural sculpture, medieval theories of matter, and the late medieval altarpiece. Recent and forthcoming publications include essays on medieval church treasury inventories, late medieval precious-metal figural statuettes, the treasury of the Lüneburger Goldene Tafel, and the relationship between surface and substrate in precious metalwork. He is currently preparing a book-length study of medieval gold, broadly defined and understood, across all media.

Fabrizio Crivelloist Professor für mittelalterliche Kunstgeschichte und Geschichte der Buch-malerei an der Università degli Studi di Torino. Er hat Kunstgeschichte an der Universität Turin und der Scuola Normale Superiore in Pisa studiert, wo er 2000 promoviert wurde. Seine Forschungsschwerpunkte sind die Buchmalerei des Mittelalters, insbesondere der karolingischen und der otto-nischen Zeit, der kulturelle Transfer zwischen Italien und den Gebieten jenseits der Alpen, die Bezüge zur künstlerischen Tradition der Antike und die Rezeption byzantinischer und mediterraner Vorbilder. Publikationen u.a.: La miniatura a Bobbio tra IX e X secolo e i suoi modelli carolingi, Turin/London/Venedig 2001; Le «Omelie sui Vangeli» di Gregorio Magno a Vercelli. Le miniature del ms. CXLVIII/8 della Biblioteca Capitolare, Florenz 2005; (Mit-arbeit an Wilhelm Koehler [†]/Florentine Mütherich), Die Karolingischen Miniaturen, Bd. 7–8, Wiesbaden 2009–2013.

Cornel Doraist Stiftsbibliothekar von St. Gallen. Er wurde 1963 in St. Gallen geboren und studierte Anglistik, Geschichte und Musikwissenschaft an der Universität Zürich. Dort doktorierte er 1995 in Geschichte mit einer Arbeit über den St. Galler Bischof Augustinus Egger, und bildete sich zum Wissenschaft lichen Bibliothekar BBS weiter. 2012 erwarb er einen Executive Master in General Business Administration an der Executive School der Universität St. Gallen.

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K U R Z B I o G R A F I E N

Von 1993 bis 2001 war Cornel Dora in der Stiftsbibliothek St. Gallen tätig und von 2001 bis 2013 leitete er die Kantonsbibliothek Vadiana in St. Gallen. Seit 1. November 2013 ist er Stiftsbibliothekar von St. Gallen. Seine wissen-schaftlichen Interessen liegen in der Kultur- und Kirchengeschichte sowie in der Buch- und Bibliothekswissenschaft.

David Ganz ist Inhaber des Lehrstuhls für Kunstgeschichte des Mittelalters an der Univer-sität Zürich. 1990 bis 1996 studierte er Kunstgeschichte, Philosophie und Klassische Archäologie in Heidelberg, Marburg und Bologna. 2000 promo-vierte er an der Universität Hamburg (Barocke Bilderbauten. Erzählung, Illusion und Institution in römischen Kirchen. 1580–1700, Petersberg 2003), 2006 habi-litierte er sich an der Universität Konstanz (Medien der Offenbarung. Visions-darstellungen im Mittelalter, Berlin 2008). 2007 bis 2013 war er Heisenberg-Stipendiat der DFG. Neuere Publikationen: (mit Ulrike Ganz) Visionen der Endzeit. Die Apokalypse in der mittelalterlichen Buchkunst, Darmstadt 2016; (hg. mit Marius Rimmele) Klappeffekte. Faltbare Bildträger in der Vormoderne, Berlin 2016; Buch-Gewänder. Prachteinbände im Mittelalter, Berlin 2015.

Andreas Haugist Inhaber des Lehrstuhls für Musikwissenschaft II (Musik des vorneuzeit-lichen Europa) an der Universität Würzburg. Nach seiner Promotion in Tübingen 1985 war er an den Universitäten Stockholm (Schweden) und Erlangen tätig, nach seiner Habilitation in Tübingen 1999 als Professor am Zentrum für Mittelalterstudien der Universität in Trondheim (Norwegen) und bis 2008 als Nachfolger von Fritz Reckow auf dem Erlanger Lehrstuhl für Musikwissenschaft. An den Universitäten Wien und Basel sowie an der University of Oregon, Eugene (USA), hatte er Gastprofessuren inne. Sein hauptsächliches Forschungsgebiet ist die Geschichte der Musik und des Musikdenkens von der Spätantike bis zum Hochmittelalter. Er ist Heraus-geber des Corpus monodicum und Mitherausgeber der Monumenta monodica medii aevi.

Wojtek Jezierskiis currently Researcher in Medieval History at the Department of Historical Studies, University of Gothenburg, Sweden. He defended his PhD thesis, Total St Gall. Medieval Monastery as a Disciplinary Institution, at Stockholm University in 2010 and has published several articles on monastic power

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relations, cloistral surveillance, and identity and subject-formation in early medieval St Gall. He was a post-doctoral researcher at the Deutsches Histor-isches Institut Warschau from 2011–2012. He has recently co-edited the volumes Rituals, Performatives, and Political Order, c. 650–1350, Turnhout 2015 and Imagined Communities on the Baltic Rim, from the Eleventh to Fifteenth Centuries, Amsterdam 2016. His current research interests are the senses of danger and security among Baltic missionaries and the historical semantics of emotions in the eleventh to thirteenth centuries.

Philipp Lenzist seit 2005 wissenschaftlicher Mitarbeiter an der Stiftsbibliothek St. Gallen. Er studierte Allgemeine Geschichte, Englische Sprache und Literatur sowie Internationale Beziehungen an den Universitäten Genf und Nottingham. Es folgten die Ausbildung zum Gymnasiallehrer sowie 2012 die Promotion in mittelalterlicher Geschichte an der Universität Freiburg i.Ü. Er war Mit-arbeiter am Katalog der liturgischen Handschriften: Codices 450–546, Liturgica, Libri precum, deutsche Gebetbücher, Spiritualia, Musikhandschriften 9.–16. Jahrhundert, Wiesbaden 2008, Mitautor des Werks Die Vetus Latina-Fragmente aus dem Kloster St. Gallen, Dietikon 2012 und hauptverantwortlich für den Katalog der juristischen Handschriften: Codices 670–749, Iuridica, Kanonisches, römisches und germanisches Recht, Wiesbaden 2014. Seine Disser-tation erschien unter dem Titel Reichsabtei und Klosterreform. Das Kloster St. Gallen unter dem Pfleger und Abt Ulrich Rösch 1457–1491, St. Gallen 2014. Mehrere Aufsatz publikationen, darunter kürzlich Die Glossen Ekkeharts IV. als paläographisches und methodisches Problem, in: N. Kössinger u. a. (Hg.), Ekkehart IV. von St. Gallen, Berlin 2015.

Susan Rankinis Professor of Medieval Music at the University of Cambridge and a Fellow of Emmanuel College. From a first publication on a fifteenth-century manuscript, her scholarly work has moved back in time: she has just finished a monograph on musical notation in the ninth century. Between these two extremes, she has written on medieval manuscripts and musical notations, with St Gallen and Winchester as central points of interest, and on music as an element of ritual. A special focus has been the palaeography of early medieval musical sources, and she has edited facsimiles of two Sankt Gallen tropers and the Winchester Troper, demonstrating how the earliest European repertory of two-part polyphony can be recovered. She was elected Fellow

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of the Academia Europaea in 2007, Fellow of the British Academy in 2009, Corresponding Member of the American Musicological Society in 2015 and Corresponding Fellow of the Medieval Academy of America in 2016.

Rupert Schaabist stellvertretender Direktor der Niedersächsischen Staats- und Universitäts-bibliothek Göttingen. Er studierte Geschichte, Germanistik und Philosophie in Heidelberg und Bonn und promovierte mit der Arbeit Mönch in Sankt Gallen. Zur inneren Geschichte eines frühmittelalterlichen Klosters, Ostfildern 2003. 1996 war er Fachreferent an der Universitätsbibliothek Erfurt, 1999 bis 2005 leitete er die Forschungsbibliothek Gotha.

Karl Schmukiist seit 1987 als wissenschaftlicher Mitarbeiter an der Stiftsbibliothek St. Gallen tätig. Er studierte an der Universität Zürich Allgemeine Geschichte und Geographie und promovierte mit einer sozial- und wirtschafts-geschichtlichen Dissertation über die frühneuzeitliche Stadt Schaffhausen. An der Stiftsbibliothek St. Gallen forschte und publizierte er zu verschiede-nen Aspekten von Geschichte, Kultur und Bibliothek des Benediktiner-klosters St. Gallen. Zu den grösseren Publikationen gehören der Zimelien-band der Stiftsbibliothek St. Gallen (1998, 2000), der aktuelle Bibliotheks-führer Stiftsbibliothek St. Gallen. Ein Rundgang durch Geschichte, Räumlichkeiten und Sammlungen, St. Gallen 2003 und 2007, die Monographie Der Indianer im Kloster St. Gallen, St. Gallen 2001 und 2015, sowie umfangreichere Aufsätze zum Kuriositätenkabinett der Stiftsbibliothek (im Sammelband G. Schrott [Hg.], Klösterliche Sammelpraxis in der Frühen Neuzeit, Nordhausen 2010) und zur Geschichte der Stiftsbibliothek zur Zeit der Klosteraufhebung um 1800 (im Druck).

Franziska Schnoorist als wissenschaftliche Mitarbeiterin an der Stiftsbibliothek St. Gallen tätig. Sie studierte Lateinische Philologie des Mittelalters, Musikwissenschaft und Germanistik an der Universität Freiburg im Breisgau. Dort legte sie ihr Magisterexamen mit Erstedition einer spätmittelalterlichen Nonnenvita ab (Die Vita venerabilis sororis Sophye aus der Pommersfeldener Hand-schrift 30. Kritische Edition und Kommentar, in: Analecta Bollandiana 125 [2007], S. 356–414). Von 2004 bis 2010 war sie wissenschaftliche Mitarbei-terin am Lehrstuhl für Lateinische Philologie des Mittelalters und der Neu-

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zeit an der Universität Göttingen. 2017 erschien ihre Dissertation über Das lateinische Tierlobgedicht in Spätantike, Mittelalter und früher Neuzeit. Sie ist Co-Autorin zahlreicher Ausstellungskataloge der Stiftsbibliothek St. Gallen.

Ernst Trempwar von 2000 bis 2013 Stiftsbibliothekar von St. Gallen und nebenamtlicher Titularprofessor an der Universität Freiburg i. Ü. Sein gegenwärtiger For-schungsschwerpunkt sind die Casus sancti Galli Ekkehards IV., zu denen er eine Edition im Rahmen der Monumenta Germaniae Historica vorbereitet. Zahlreiche Veröffentlichungen zur karolingischen Geistes- und Kultur-geschichte und Historiographie, zum Kloster St. Gallen im Mittelalter, zum St. Galler Klosterplan, zum Mönchtum und Adel im Hochmittelalter, zu den Zisterziensern und Prämonstratensern.

Stefan Trinksvertritt gegenwärtig die Professur für Geschichte und Theorie der Form an der Humboldt-Universität Berlin. Er studierte Kunstgeschichte, Geschichte, Klassische und Mittelalter-Archäologie in Bamberg und Berlin. Seit 2007 war er wissenschaftlicher Assistent am Institut für Kunst- und Bildgeschichte der Humboldt-Universität zu Berlin. Die 2010 verteidigte Dissertation Antike und Avantgarde. Skulptur am Jakobsweg im 11. Jahrhundert: Jaca – León – Santiago erhielt den Internationalen Romanikforschungspreis. 2017 habi-litierte er sich über Glaubensstoffe und Geschichtsgewebe – Ikonologie belebter Textilien in der mittelalterlichen und zeitgenössischen Kunst. Im Sonderforschungs-bereich 644 «Transformationen der Antike» leitete er den Teilbereich «Neu-gier im Mittelalter». In diesem Rahmen arbeitete er an einer Monographie über Curiositas et Diversitas – Mittelalterliche Elfenbeine als mobile Bilddaten-träger von Neugier auf die Antike.

Ittai Weinrybis an Associate Professor of Medieval Art History at the Bard Graduate Center in New York. His first book The Bronze Object in the Middle Ages, Cambridge 2016 deals with bronze and its reception in medieval Europe. He is currently organizing an exhibition on votive offerings scheduled to open at the Bard Graduate Center galleries in September 2018. Weinryb is currently devel-oping two new book projects. The first, entitled Art and Experience in the Age of the Astrolabe, focuses on the reception of the technology of the astrolabe and its influence on image and object making in medieval Europe. The

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second, Art and Frontier focuses on the early moments of European coloni-alism through the prism of mines and mining culture as means to control indigenous populations.

Documents

Archäologie eines frühmittelalterlichen Künstlers - Tuotilo...Alte und neue Wege ihrer ... Tuotilo of St Gall – metalw orker, ivory-carver, painter ... (note 1), p. 55–93. For