Hansen- Anatolian Metal-libre

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Herausgeber:

nsal Yaln

Bochum 2011

Aatolia Metal V


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DEr AnSCHnITT

Herausgeber:Vereinigung der Freunde von Kunst und Kultur im Bergbau e.V.

Vorsitzender des Vorstandes:Dipl.-Ing. Bernd Tnjes

Vorsitzender des Beirats:Bergassessor Dipl.-Kfm. Dr.-Ing. E.h. Achim Middelschulte

Geschftsfhrer:Museumsdirektor Prof. Dr. phil. Rainer Slotta

Schriftleitung (verantwortlich):Dr. phil. Andreas Bingener M.A.

Editorial Board:Dr.-Ing. Siegfried Mller, Prof. Dr. phil. Rainer Slotta; Dr. phil.

Michael Farrenkopf

Wissenschaftlicher Beirat:Prof. Dr. Jana Gerlov, Ostrava; Prof. Dr. Karl-Heinz Ludwig,Bremen; Prof. Dr. Thilo Rehren, London; Prof. Dr. Klaus Tenfel-de (), Bochum; Prof. Dr. Wolfhard Weber, Bochum

Layout: Karina Schwunk

ISSN 0003-5238

Anschrift der Geschftsfhrung und der Schriftleitung:Deutsches Bergbau-Museum BochumAm Bergbaumuseum 28, D-44791 BochumTelefon (02 34) 58 77 112/124Telefax (02 34) 58 77 111http://www.bergbaumuseum.de

Montanhistorische Zeitschrift

Der ANSCHNITT. Beiheft 24

= Verffentlichungen aus dem Deutschen

Bergbau-Museum Bochum, Nr. 180

Titelbild

Alacahyk gehrt zu den wichtigsten prhistorischen Stdten inAnatolien. Besonders berhmt sind die frhbronzezeitlichen Fr-stengrber mit ihren zahlreichen Grabbeigaben aus Gold, Silberund Bronze, darunter die frhesten Eisenfunde Anatoliens. ZumGrabinventar zhlten auch zahlreiche bronzene Sonnenstandar-

ten und Tierguren. Im Vordergrund ist eine dieser Sonnenstan-darten zu sehen. Sie dient heute als Symbol des Kultur- und Tou-rismusministeriums der Trkei.Im Hintergrund ist eine schroffe Landschaft bei Derekutuun,Kreis Bayat, Provinz orum zu sehen. In Derekutuun wurde seitdem 5. Jt. v. Chr. gediegenes Kupfer bergmnnisch gewonnen.Im Vordergrund ist eine der prhistorischen Strecken abgebildet.Fotos stammen von Herausgeber.

Bibliografische Informationen der Deutschen BibliothekDie Deutschen Bibliothek verzeichnet diese Publikation in derDeutschen Nationalbibliografie; detaillierte bibliografische Datensind im Internet ber http/dnd.ddb.de abrufbar.

redaktio

nsal YalnChristian WirthLayout, Titelgestaltug

Angelika Wiebe-Friedrich

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WAZ-Druck GmbH & Co. KG, Duisburg

ISBn 3-937203-54-0

ISBn 978-3-937203-54-6

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Einzelheft 9,- Euro, Doppelheft 18,- Euro;Jahresabonnement (6 Hefte) 54,- Euro; kostenloser Bezug fr dieMitglieder der Vereinigung (Jahres-Mitgliedsbeitrag 50,- Euro)


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Dieser Band ist Robert Maddingewidmet


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Ihaltsvezeichis

Vowot 9

Guwot 11

Rainer Slotta & Andreas Hauptmann

robet Maddi ad the Deutsches Begbau-Museum Bochum 13

James D. Muhly

robet Maddi: A Appeciatio 17

Mehmet zdoan

The Dyamics of Cultual Chage i Aatolia 21

H. Gnl Yaln

Die Kaaz-Kultu i Ostaatolie 31

Ulf-Dietrich Schoopamlbel Talas, ei metallveabeitede Fudplatz des viete Jahtauseds v. Ch.

im dliche Zetalaatolie 53

Horst Klengel

Hadel mit Lapislazuli, Tkis ud Kaeol im

alte Vodee Oiet 69

Metin Alparslan & Meltem Doan-Alparslan

Symbol de ewige Heschaft: Metall als Gudlage des hethitische reiches 79

nsal Yaln & Hseyin CevizoluEie Achaische Schmiedewekstatt i Klazomeai 85

Martin Bartelheim, Sonja Behrendt, Blent Kzlduman, Uwe Mller & Ernst Pernicka

De Schatz auf dem Kigshgel, Kalebuu/Galiopoi, Zype 91

Hristo Popov, Albrecht Jockenhvel & Christian Groer

Ada Tepe (Ost-rhodope, Bulgaie):

Sptbozezeitliche lteeisezeitliche Goldbegbau 111

Tobias L. Kienlin

Aspects of the Developmet of Castig ad Fogig Techiques fom the Coppe Age

to the Ealy Boze Age of Easte Cetal Euope ad the Capathia Basi 127


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Svend Hansen

Metal i South-Easte ad Cetal Euope

betwee 4500 ad 2900 BCE 137

Evgeny N. Chernykh

Euasia Steppe Belt: radiocabo Choology ad Metallugical Povices 151

Andreas Hauptmann

Gold i Geogia I: Scietic Ivestigatios ito the Compositio of Gold 173

Thomas Stllner & Irina Gambashidze

Gold i Geogia II: The Oldest Gold Mie i the Wold 187

Khachatur Meliksetian,Steffen Kraus, Ernst Pernicka

Pavel Avetissyan,

Seda Devejian & Levron Petrosyan

Metallugy of Pehistoic Ameia 201

Nima Nezafati, Ernst Pernicka & Morteza Momenzadeh

Ealy Ti-Coppe Oe fom Ia, a Posssible Clue fo the Eigma of Boze Age Ti 211

Thomas Stllner, Zeinolla Samaschev, Sergej Berdenov , Jan Cierny , Monika Doll,Jennifer Garner, Anton Gontscharov, Alexander Gorelik, Andreas Hauptmann, Rainer Herd,Galina A. Kusch, Viktor Merz, Torsten Riese, Beate Sikorski & Benno Zickgraf

Ti fom Kazakhsta Steppe Ti fo the West? 231

Autoeliste 253


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The fragments of axes in the 5th millennium settlementof Pietrele (fig. 1) show the dilemma of stone axes. Thesestone fragments had become useless and, therefore,were thrown away. In general the weight of the stoneaxes was limited, whereas it was easy to cast larger andheavier metal axes. The limited access to raw material

sources was the reason that in nearly all periods of thehistory of humankind people used them economically.

In this regard it is noteworthy that the mentality of thethrow-away-society lasted a very short period betweenthe Second World War and the late 1970ies, before peo-ple understood again that metals and other materialscan be recycled.

With the recasting and production of a new object, anew quality came into the world and this is the secondreason for the success of metals. Metal was the first

material that could not be used up. It could be usedagain and again for recasting without any serious loss.This property had enormous economical and social con-sequences. I would suggest that even the philosophicalreflection of the world changed (cf. Eliade 1980).

Unlike stone, metal could be accumulated in a usefulway. It could be used for different purposes and it wasconvertible. According to necessity one could melt downornaments for swords or axes for bracelets. Everythingcould be reused and normally it was reused. This is thereason that the lack of metal is a standard in the ar-

chaeological record.

Metal played an important role in the emergence of hi-erarchical societies in western Eurasia. In a geographi-

cally wider perspective it is true that in general metalneither was the precondition for the rise of complex so-cieties nor was metal production always linked with con-trol by ruling institutions (Thornton & Roberts 2009).

The Black Sea Aea i the 5th ad

4th Milleium BCE

In the history of Eurasian metallurgy, the Circumponticarea played a dominant role in the 5th and 4th millen-nium BCE. Evgenij Chernykh has made the most impor-tant contributions to this field of study (Chernykh 1992).

Both the trends in the development of metal types aswell as new technological processes illustrate a largescale communication, which was based upon the ex-

change of material, products and ideas. Two points areimportant: First, raw materials were not available eve-rywhere and had to be transported over large distances.Second, the artefacts, especially weapons, were distrib-uted in regional networks through the exchange of gifts.These precious objects were used to create and to con-solidate social relationships between individuals, fami-lies and states. This twofold circulation implies the dis-tribution of technological knowledge either by themobility of experts or by the circulation of the objectsthat could be copied easily.

Copper objects did not belong to the Neolithic packageof different innovations like domesticated sheep and cat-tle, ceramics and polished stone tools, which was typicalof the spread of the Neolithic way of life in Southeastern

Fig. 1: Stone axes from theCopper Age settlement Pietrele(44504250 BCE) (photographS. Hansen).


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Metal in South-Eastern and Central Europe between 4500 and 2900 BCE

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Europe. In the late 7th and early 6th millennium earlyNeolithic copper objects were very rare. But in the sec-ond half of the 6th millennium and during the 5th millen-nium there is a considerable increase of finds, whichdemonstrates a growing interest in copper and malachite(Kalicz 1992). The Late Neolithic Lengyel Culture usedbeads, small rings and bracelets (Zalai-Gaal 1996). Inthe cemetery of Mrgy-Tszdomb (Hungary) 18% ofthe graves contained copper, mostly associated withspondylus from the Mediterranean Sea. Approximatelycontemporaneous are the finds from the cemetery ofDurankulak on the Bulgarian Black Sea coast, wherecopper beads and spondylus were also found together.In Aa Pnar (Turkish Thrace) a beautiful necklacemade of spondylus and malachite was found in the LateNeolithic settlement (zdoan & Parzinger 2000).

In Southeast Europe copper was socially significant and

connected with leading persons. Since the 6th millen-nium in Anatolia also heavier tools were produced, likethe macehead from Can Hasan (Yaln 1998) or smallaxes from Mersin or Arpachiyah in upper Mesopotamia(Schoop 1994). In the 5th millennium heavier tools flataxes as well as hammer axes were produced for thefirst time in the Carpathian Basin and in the West Pon-tic area. These metal finds were so impressive that theformer director of the Hungarian National Museum, Fer-encz Pulszky, was the first who spoke of the copper

age in 1876 (Pulszky 1877). One hundred years laterthe first Copper Age mine was found in Aibunar nearStara Zagora (Bulgaria), which could be dated to thesecond half of the 5th millennium (ernych 1988). Twoimportant conclusions could be drawn from these dis-coveries. The metal was local and not imported from faraway, and the axes were cast, not hammered, from na-tive copper.

The discovery of Ai Bunar gained more importancethrough the sensational finds made in the cemetery ofVarna in 1972. The finds are well known, and much hasbeen written about them (Fol & Lichardus 1988). In graveno. 4 the body was covered with gold. Nearly 1500 gramsof gold were deposited in this grave. Gold is clearly themetal of power. This meaning is underlined by the gold-en sceptre in grave 36 (fig. 2). In the same grave theexcavators found a golden astralagus, which is the first

time that part of an animal was reproduced in metal. Thetwo cattle figures are the first metal representations ofanimals in Eurasia.

New radiocarbon data from the Varna graves recentlypublished (Higham et al.2007) suggest that the richestburials were the oldest in Varna and originate from the46th/45th century BCE, which is much earlier (more than200 years) than previously thought. These and unpub-lished data are very homogeneous, and there seems to

Fig. 2: Golden sceptre and other objects from Varna grave 36 (after Fol & Lichardus 1986).


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Fig. 3: Gold discfrom Moigrad (afterMakkay 1989).

Fig. 4: Pendant from Pietrele(photograph S. Hansen).

Fig. 5: Distribution map of gold pendants (after Hansen 2007).

be no reservoir effect behind them (pers. comm. J. Chap-man). If the data are correct, it would mean that theheavy metal tools apparently appeared suddenly; that

is to say, no traces of any experimental phase are visible

in the archaeological record. It is still an open questionas to how to explain this situation. However, it can beassumed that axes were produced and used already in

the Late Neolithic, in the first half of the 5th millennium.


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They only became visible in the archaeological record atthat moment, in which they were used in a secondarysocial context as a grave good or a gift for the powersbelieved to be supernatural.

Without doubt, Varna is an exceptional cemetery. Butvery similar trends in social stratification and accumula-tion of wealth can be observed in the Carpathian Basinand in Moldova, even though the finds are not as spec-tacular as in Varna, which could be the reason that re-cently the differences were emphasised (Kienlin 2008).Yet the cemetery of Velk Rakovce in Slovakia con-tained not only socially significant artefacts like in Varna,such as copper tools, long flint blades and copper orna-ments, including golden pendants, it also displays aninternal differentiation (Lichter 2001). The cemetery be-longs to the Tiszapolgr culture, which was seen ascontemporaneous with Varna. But now after the predat-

ing of Varna, new radiocarbon datings from the Tisza-polgr cemeteries are necessary.

The most impressive example of an offering is the 31-cmlarge gold disc from Moigrad in Transylvania (fig. 3), whichwith a weight of about 750800 grams, is the heaviestgold object known from the Copper Age (Makkay 1991).An idea of its significance can be gained by its com-parison with Varna grave 36, which held 800 grams ofgold. The disc shows that similar accumulations of wealthwere possible not only in Varna, but in the Carpathian

Basin too. Smaller versions of this type were normallyworn as pendants, like the gold example recently discov-ered in Pietrele (fig. 4). The distribution map (fig. 5) issimilar to the maps of early axes: two main centres ofdistribution, one in the Lower Danube and western Pon-tic area and the other in the Carpathian Basin. Thegolden pendants are concentrated along the Tisza river,whereas only a few finds are known in Transylvania.There metal was not placed in graves. Nevertheless, itis worth mentioning that the Moigrad disc is equivalentin weight to ca. 200 small golden amulets: more than isknown from all other find spots.

So-called heavy tools, the different types of hammeraxes and axes with a double edge, are the characteristicelement of the Carpathian Basin and the western Ponticarea. Several maps presented by researchers haveshown the distribution of these axes and special types.

All of these maps show a dense concentration in theCarpathian Basin and the northwestern Pontic area, withonly a few single pieces in the adjacent northern regions(cf. Schubert 1965; Matuschick 1997; Klassen 2000). Withthe research of the Schubert brothers in the 1960ies, itbecame clear that these axes had to be dated earlier thanthe Baden culture. The following horizon of shaftholeaxes was traditionally connected with Glina and Schneck-enberg, Early Bronze Age cultures in Romania. Accordingto this dating, a chronological gap exists between theolder hammer axes and the Bronze Age shafthole axes.

Fig. 6: Axe and dagger from Mala Gruda (after Primas 1996).


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This view had to be revised after the excavation of thetumulus burial in Velika Gruda in Montenegro by Mar-garita Primas, which had serious consequences for thegrave in Mala Gruda, located in the immediate neigh-bourhood of Velika Gruda (Primas 1996). The goldendagger and the silver axe (fig. 6) are exceptional findsand were dated to the Mycenaean period. Primas, how-ever, could show by means of radiocarbon data thatboth graves belong to the very early 3rd millennium.Furthermore, four silver axes were found in an offeringhoard in Bosnia together with a typical axe of the wide-spread Kozarac type and with local flat axes of the Griatype (Born & Hansen 2001). The Kozarac type is alsorepresented in the offering hoard of Dunakmld inHungary (fig. 7), which contained an early flanged axeas well. This flanged axe can be compared with the axeof the Simliaun man, the well known tzi, who diedin the last quarter of the fourth millennium (Barfield

1994). At the moment it is obvious that the well definedKozarac type, which typologically is a developed form,must be dated to the early third millennium. It is unclearwhether this type of axe already appeared in the lastcenturies of the 4th millennium BCE and how long itwas produced.

The elegant Kozarac type contrasts distinctly with theheavy, clumsy axes of the Baniabic type, which was

Fig. 7: Hoard from Dunakmld with a Kozarac axe and an ear-ly flanged axe (photograph Hungarian National Museum in Bu-dapest).

Fig. 8: Early shafthole axes from different sites in Southeast Europe and the Kuban region (after Hansen 2011).


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Fig. 9: Dagger and axe from Maikop(after 2004).

Fig. 10: Axes from Klady grave 31/5 (after Rezep-kin 2000, rearranged).

considered the older type (fig. 8) (Vulpe 1970). In theCarpathian Basin these axes too were deposited inhoards of offerings or alone as single depositions.

In order to gain more information about these clumsyshafthole axes we must leave the Carpathian Basin andmove to the first metallurgical centre outside of the Car-pathians into the northern Caucasus. (Btora 2003) TheMaikop grave contained a lot of precious materials, suchas silver vessels, golden applications and others. It canbe dated to the middle of the fourth millennium BCE oreven before (Govedarica 2002). A tool kit and weapons

were found in this grave. The shafthole axe and a dag-

ger, 30 centimetres long with silver rivets, should bepointed out (fig. 9).

In Klady 31/5 the richest grave of the Novosvobodnayaphase four clumsy axes were found besides flat axesand two axes of older tradition (fig. 10). The grave canbe dated to the last third of the 4th millennium (Rezepkin2000). It contained several daggers as well an earlysword, 63 cm long, which can be compared with theroughly contemporaneous swords from Arslantepe (Fran-gipane & Palmieri 1988). The arsenal of arms found inthe grave is not a functioning set of weapons for a war-

rior; instead, it can be described as the earliest exampleof an over-display of weapons (Hansen 2002).


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In contrast to the production of long blades, the castingof axes was far more simple and became widespreadwithin a relatively short period in the fourth millenniumBCE from the Caucasus to northern Mesopotamia, theMediterranean sea to the Balkans and the Adriatic coast.

Nevertheless, the success of new weapons cannot beexplained by casting methods alone. The re-positioningof the shafthole to the very end of the axe changed thequality of the weapon: It gained much more force instriking, and it was possible to increase the weight upto more than 1000 grams. This was an enormous tech-

nical innovation, which is evident in the fact that theseaxes were used in an area extending from Mesopotamiato Italy over a period of 1000 years. This weapon becamethe sign of a new social formation: the warrior.

So far, I have attempted to show that there was a moreor less continuous development of metal artefacts fromthe middle of the 5th to the end of the 4th millenniumand beyond. There was no real crisis of metallurgy inthe second half of the 4th millennium. Metal was usedin the Baden culture in larger quantities (Sherratt 2003).Even in Central Europe metal was used in the second

half of the 4th millennium, as has been shown in ArbonBleiche 3 (De Capitani et al. 2002). In the Alps coppermining started around 3600 cal BCE, as has been dem-onstrated recently in Liguria (Maggi & Pearce 2005).

Paul Gleirscher has connected the fourth millennium flataxes in western Hungary with similar pieces in the east-ern Alps (Gleirscher 2007).

The second half of the 4th millennium can be seen asthe most innovative time after the Neolithic Revolution(Hansen 2011). It was the time of new animals, the woollysheep, the domesticated horse and the donkey, of thewheel and the wagon, of new weapons (shafthole axes,swords and halberds), of new metals (silver and lead),of new copper alloys and a diversification of alloy com-position in functional categories like axes and daggers;

it was the time of the appearance of new forms of socialrepresentation in tumulus graves and large stone stelae,and last but not least of hoards as a medium for so-cially controlled communication with the powers believedto be supernatural. It was the time of the formation ofthe warrior as a social type.

The Depositio of Axes

In the second part of this paper I would like to return tothe discussion of the social importance of copper. One

of the most striking qualities of the metal is the possibil-ity to reuse every single piece, and it was normally re-used. In the fifth, fourth and third millennia BCE largerquantities of metal axes were deposited, especially in

Fig. 13: Distribution of early axes from hoard and graves.


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the eastern part of Transylvania in ritual hoards. In awider geographical perspective it could be recently de-

monstrated that the ritual hoarding of axes was embed-ded in a wider social function of axes in the exchangeof gifts, brideprices and offerings (Klimscha 2009). Cop-per axes probably played the same role as jade axes inwestern Europe or large flint axes of the Funnel BeakerSystem in northern Europe. Two main consequencescan be drawn from these observations. First, the distri-bution maps do not show the original distribution ofmetal axes, but only their deposition. Second, it can beassumed that the use of metal axes was much morecommon in other regions. This is strongly supported bythe widespread distribution of casting moulds for early

axe types (Boroffka 2009).

The oldest types of hammer axes, Vidra and Plonik(Govedarica in print) are distributed in the CarpathianBasin as well as in the lower Danube area and on theBlack Sea coast (fig. 12). In the lower Danube area theyare found in small quantities in tell settlements; only inthe Black Sea Area do they appear in graves (espe-cially Varna). In the Carpathian Basin they appear inritual hoards and as single depositions.

The later types Jszladny, iria, Handlov and others

(according to Schubert 1965; for technical aspects Kien-lin & Pernicka 2009) of the 4th millennium BCE displaya slightly different picture (fig. 13). The lower Danubearea and the Bulgarian coast are nearly empty of these

axe-types because of the end of the Gumelnia and theKaranovo VI culture. By contrast, in the Carpathian Ba-

sin we still have the same picture, but even more densethan in the distribution maps of the older types. Gravesare limited to the middle and upper course of the Tiszariver. It is remarkable that there most of the axes weredeposited in ritual hoards and were given as singledepositions. If we consider that one single axe couldweigh up to 1600 grams, a single deposition is quiteremarkable. The dense distribution of copper axes inTransylvania is the result of a specific custom. A rituallandscape emerged, in which the deposition of metal asan offering was practised for over thousands of years,whereas metal artefacts were normally not placed in

graves.

The picture changes when we turn to the shaftholeaxes (fig. 14). For the first time it is possible to comparethe situation. On the one hand, in the Caucasus regionwhere the concentration of axes represent componentsof graves and, on the other hand, in the CarpathianBasin where we again find axes in ritual hoards and assingle depositions. One of the largest hoards, from Vl-cele near Cluj (Transylvania) contained 43 axes that aretypologically connected with early types.

To sum up: the metal crisis of the second half of thefourth millennium did not exist. We are able to identifya group of clumsy shafthole axes belonging to this pe-riod, which marked a technical innovation embedded in

Fig. 14: Distribution of shafthole axes in hoards and graves.


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a series of other important innovations of that time. In along-term perspective it becomes clear that the archae-ological visibility of axes depends upon the custom ofoffering the metal for religious and social reasons. TheCarpathian Basin became for reasons we probably willnever really understand the European focus of hoard-ing during the Bronze Age.

Ackowledgemets

I would like to thank nsal Yaln for the invitation to theconference Anatolian Metal V. Michael Mller workedout the distribution maps on the computer. Anke Reuterwas responsible for all of the graphics. I would like tothank Martin Furholt for his unpublished manuscriptabout Brno-Le. Emiliy Schalk corrected my english

text.

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